Tuesday, July 22, 2014

Should the future have a name?


The path to socialism is long. The task is to develop a new politics. For the up-coming generation there will be a vastly expanded terrain of initiatives to be active upon. We must construct an authentic socialist strategy, to be seen as  realistic in its objective, the transformation of capitalism into a classless society. To begin with the ends is the proper starting point for a socialism of our times. Our purpose in the Socialist Party is to sketch the reality of our goal and vision in its general characteristics. To transform capitalism, we must transform its representation of the world.The socialist perspective is no longer to be treated as an ideal for the future, but very resolutely refers to the everyday. We must dream, not in the manner of losing ourselves in fantasy, but in the way that prepares us to picture our goal, what Marx describes in the Manifesto the "real movement that supersedes the current state of things".

The terms socialism and communism  implies solidarity and collectivity. To begin with the ends is the proper starting point for a socialism of our times. Class war in the traditional sense of the term is no way obsolete. Exploitation persists, and is as ferocious as ever; the class struggle remains entirely on the political agenda. The extraordinary changes in conditions  and with the people’s relationships with them since Marx's time, far from rendering the idea of socialism superfluous, has made these ideas more contemporary than ever. Social revolution is not  seeking simply another way to regulate the market, but to move toward a post-commodity economy; not simply to prepare a better future for individuals but to make their full development an immediate object; not simply to develop democracy further, but to undertake the disappearance of the state through the appropriation of decision-making whereby humanity is beginning to have the power to decide what it will be.

Workers individually, as a class, and as part of the entire society are not moved by economics alone. Competition among workers, sectional and selfish interests, short-term favors, plus social pressure and nationalist and racial chauvinism have often diverted various groups of workers from a revolutionary role. Divide and rule, is still th rulers’ basic strategy and best tactic. A big part of keeping these workers in their place is the sex, colour and age discrimination and ethnic division tactic. This is enforced not only by the individual boss, but by the whole system.

Revolutions are made by facing problems, not by denying that they exist. Changing society is a big job and the working class is still the prime mover.  If we prove incapable defining, much less resolving, new facts and problems, or relate to new people with new ways, it can in no way further the cause of social change and revolution. There is nothing to teach unless we are first willing to learn. Action is aimless without the purposefulness which comes from understanding and knowledge.  Many political activists are wrong on a lot of things, but their contempt for distorted “socialism”  justified with its worthless programmes of cure-it-alls, with their road to socialism full of false turnings. Against this, the only weapon of the workers is their political awareness and class solidarity. What workers need is organisation with a class outlook and fighting muscle. Workers are inevitably concerned with immediate conditions – both to hold whatever they have and to make gains if they can. But petty reforms or even substantial gains of themselves to not change the system in the slightest. The only way to break through the vicious circle of reformism  is basically a mass understanding that working people cannot beat the system at its own game but must end the game and system completely. People have everything to gain in this universal struggle.

The whole society orients the worker toward competition in accumulating things, doing his job, taking orders and allotting all responsibility for major decision making to bosses and politicians. Poverty and affluence exist at the same time side by side. The existence of poverty is a spur to insure a supply of loyal and industrious labour.  It is also a source of profit for slum landlords, and sweat-shop slave-drivers. Why should the system eliminate if it could, anything so useful and indispensable? Even the better-off live in life-styles that are always fragile and subject to change. The only way to win is to fight the entire system. Since time is not unlimited, we have to start doing this now.  The waste and junk products which are poisoning our lives and our environment,  indicts one of the biggest of the crimes of capitalism. The big corporations make the profit and the environmental costs are paid mostly by the government.

No one denies that planning in a future socialist society will always be smooth-running and that no snags will ever arise. But there is no reason to suppose that they will be insurmountable. The premise of abundance, on which socialism is founded, is not utopian in the technological sense. We can assume that for many  items production will be reduced, for example, armaments, and other products’ manufacture will be increased, medical equipment, for instance.  One of the  advances brought about by capitalism is that there are now a great deal of statistical data on consumption patterns that are remarkably similar across a large sections of the population. These reveal an order of priorities common to hundreds of millions of people, over many decades. There are fundamental needs. There are secondary needs. There are also luxury needs. It finds expression in spontaneous or semi-spontaneous consumer behaviour itself. We now have the computing power to do countless calculations in determining the general pattern of what people want. We have scientific market research procedures trusted by the capitalist class itself. We have consumer feedback to judge efficiency and  highlight improvements either to the product or its distribution. There need not be any dictatorship of central planning committees. Bar-code scanning can direct us to where there are shortages on the shelves or a glut of unwanted goods.  Everything that can be done better socially should be done collectively, co-operatively and without waste and polluting by-products. There is no other socialism except democratic socialism.

People should not console themselves with illusions. The system is running on over-time to conceal the fact that we’re running out of time. What the system needs to hide is exactly what we need to expose to speed up our common liberation. We must bring socialist ideas anew to the various social movements. We must provide the theoretical tools for people to analyse their own situation. As a socialist party we have the collective responsibility to ensure that our experience, the lessons we have learned, our human and material resources, and our political convictions continue to serve the cause of socialism. We are not in a position at this juncture to predict what forms of organisation would be most appropriate to the concrete conditions which exist for the fight for socialism.  More modestly than others, we have come to see ourselves as the embryo of a future mass party.

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