To win

The capitalists in their never-ending greed for higher profits, are willing to make life a misery for  most working people. The working class, if it were united, could not only stop the assault in its tracks, it could turn this planet into a storehouse of plenty for all. Socialism is not a system of society constructed from a pre-ordained plan, built to order, but another stage of social evolution. Academics and intellectuals enjoy a certain measure of prestige esteem and influence that they can grow so deluded to hold that they are the prime movers of society and thus become architects of various models of societies arrogating the power of decision-making from the people themselves. These professors and philosophers create their own wish-fulfilling interpretation of Utopia. They endeavour to place themselves at the head of the labour movement which is to be the vehicle for their projects which they would steer the workers towards.  Ultra-radical as their ideas first appear, if scrutinised deeper, we see they adopt simply idealised forms of present-day capitalism - an impossible capitalism without exploitation. Pious proposals about an "ideal state of things" and what the worker "ought to get" won’t alter facts. Often in the end it is merely a case of robbing Peter to pay Paul. The left reformists, many of whom consider themselves socialists know it required to present a radical face, and lo and behold, their “socialism” emerges.  Socialists simply to tell the truth to our fellow workers: the revolution will not come through saviors but through the actions and the consciousness of the working class itself.

Our view of the socialist society is therefore a forecast of the lines of future development already indicated in the present. The actual builders of the future socialist society will be the socialist generations themselves and the Socialist Party refrains from offering these future generations any instructions or blueprints as in the words of Auguste Blanqui, a French revolutionary: “Tomorrow does not belong to us.” We assume that the people in the future society will be wiser than us and that they will know what to do far better than we can tell them. The Socialist Party can only anticipate and point out the general direction of development, and we should not try to do more. But what the future socialist society will look like is a question of interest and has importance in our propaganda.  Workers who join our movement will be inspired by a great vision of a new world and we can  trace some of the broad outlines if not all the details.

Before one can expect a social revolution, a political revolution must have taken place: the workers must have captured the State. The social revolution: the introduction of the new, higher relations of production i.e., no proprietorship, but common ownership of the social wealth, can develop the productivity of labour to a point where we can put into practice the motto: “From each according his ability; to each according his needs.”

 Of all these changes, which can be predicted, the transformation of the system of production and the increased productivity is in the forefront. Even at the present stage of economic development, if everybody worked and there was no waste, a universal four-hour day would undoubtedly be enough to provide abundance for all. The machinery and technology are today used to enslave the workers, while they could be used to help the workers and society as a whole.Once the whole of society is concentrated on the problem of increasing productivity, even a working day of four hours will be unnecessary. Work will be highly organised in the interests of efficiency of a cooperative labour process and freedom from toil and drudgery, made possible by the ever-increasing extent  science and technology advances productivity and automation to reduce the amount of labour time required.

Where there is abundance and free access it, people will have no further use for money and  the absurdity of wage rationing will become apparent. People will cease to work for wages. There will be no money, and there will not even be any bookkeeping transactions or coupons to regulate how much one works and how much he or she gets such as the labour time vouchers Marx suggested as a temporary measure during the time of scarcity.  People will work without any compulsion and take what they need. That is what the workers of all ages have been after—a better world.

A working class that does not see its own power today certainly doesn’t see that it can generate a real alternative to capitalism. Marx always stressed that action created consciousness, not vice versa. Tomorrow, when the explosions occur, all things including socialism will seem both possible and necessary. As revolutionaries who are loyal to our class, we support every effort on the part of workers to better their situation. We are open about the fact that we want to explain the need for socialist revolution. Unless struggle takes a revolutionary direction, worse is yet to come. Thomas Piketty in his acclaimed book ‘Capital in the 21st Century’ documents that the fundamental direction of capitalism is to descend back toward inequality conditions of the 19th-century.

Marxism is about the working class. The beginning, middle and end of analysis is the working-class. Revolutionary theory that does not connect at some stage with the real movement of the workers is a meaningless abstraction. Nowhere today does the revolutionary workers movement have the support to set in motion the social transformation of production. The immediate task is to expand our influence and membership among our class. No one knows the suffering better than the slave himself, and therefore it must be he who must free himself from the lash of the masters. Nothing can be stronger than the working class, when all the workers are properly organised; when they all stand together. Then will come the time about which many through the ages have dreamed; the time when the master and the slave shall have disappeared from the earth.

The workers have always been on the defensive to recover lost ground, so that after the fight they are in the same position as some time before the fight. The spirit of defense, however, is "Not to lose." That is all. To go toward victory in the industrial revolution that is already in its beginning stage, the workers must be embued with the spirit of attack. That means, "To Win." The Canadian One Big Union stressed class organisation rather than industrial organisation. In pursuance of this class policy it did not condemn political action, but rather declared that the only hope for the workers was in the economic and political solidarity of the working class, One Big Union and One Big Party. The 0. B. U. asserted that organisation by industries was just as archaic as organization by craft unionism, since unskilled workers moved from one industry to another as occasion demands. Thus the 0. B. U. firmly adopted the principle of placing all workers, regardless of at what they worked, within the same locals. In larger places, separate locals were formed which might coincide with different industries, but not necessarily. In that case, all the locals were connected by central labor councils which controlled the locality. Thus the 0. B. U. formed, not industrial union locals, but what amounted to workers councils (or soviets) on practically a geographical basis. The organisation structure stressed the principle of placing all workers employed in a given productive unit, regardless of skill or artificial division, into one group, whereby they could act concertedly for class interests. The role of the One Big Party - the socialist party  -  was a destructive one solely to dispossess the capitalist and dismantle the State, while the O. B .U. role was a constructive one, to build a new society and re-structure production for the co-operative commonwealth after the capitalist State was abolished.