Capitalism is malignant.

The history of mankind is usually presented in the form of a record of wars between nations and the exploits of kings and queens, president and prime ministers, generals or admirals. Sometimes the motives of these individuals are described in a purely personal way – their ambitions led them to conquer territory, or their moral or immoral outlook caused them to adopt certain policies. Sometimes they are described as acting for the sake of the country’s honour or prestige, or from some motive of religion. Socialists are not satisfied with such an approach to history. In the first place, it considers that the real science of history must deal with the peoples, and only with individuals in so far as they represent something much wider than themselves – some movement of the people. Socialists approach the study of history in order to trace the evolutionary laws which run through all human history, and for this purpose we look not at individuals but at peoples. And when we looks at people we find that there are different sections of the people, some pulling one way and some another, not as individuals, but as classes. What are classes? In simple terms, they are sections of the people who get their living in the same way. In feudal society the monarch and the feudal lords got their living from some form of tribute (whether personal service or payments in kind) provided by their “serfs,” who actually produced things, mainly on the land. The feudal lords were a class, with interests as a class – they all wanted to get as much as possible out of the labour of their serfs; they all wanted to extend their land and the number of serfs working for them. On the other hand, the serfs were a class, with their own class interests. They wanted to keep more of what they produced for themselves and their families, instead of handing it over to their lords; they wanted freedom to work for themselves; they wanted to do away with the harsh treatment they received at the hands of their lords, who were also their law-makers and their judges. Hence in every feudal country there was a constant struggle going on between the lords and the serfs.

The Marxist conception of historical materialism is therefore not the theory that man’s actions are absolutely determined by the material world round him. On the contrary, mankind’s actions, and the material changes which these actions bring about, are the product partly of the material world outside it, and partly of humanity's own knowledge of how to control the material world. But it only gets its knowledge through experience of the material world, which, so to speak, comes first. Humanity gets the experience of the material world not in an abstract, arm-chair way, but in the course of producing the things needed for life. And as our knowledge increases, as we invent new methods of production and operates them, the old forms of social organisation become a barrier, preventing the full use of the new methods. Mankind becomes aware of this from the actual practice of life; it fights first against particular evils, particular barriers created by the old form of social organisation. But inevitably we are drawn into a general fight against the whole former system.

If you are worker, if you comprehend that your hours at work represent exploitation and understand that neither you nor society will ever receive the earnings of your toil, if you comprehend that despite all the strikes you will always be exploited, become a revolutionary. Changing political conditions forecast the opening of a new and higher stage in the class struggle. Across the globe peoples long subjected to imperialist exploitation are rising up against their oppressors. Social ferment is increasing. Many are becoming rebellious against conditions under the capitalist system. They are determined to free themselves and decide for themselves what, economic and social order will best serve their needs. Their search for the right answer impels them, erratic though the course may be, in the direction of socialism. They are searching for a new political course and, though they have not yet become socialist-minded, they are willing to listen to socialist ideas. At the present stage of developments the task for socialists remains primarily one of advancing the class-struggle. Rising social tensions are beginning to counteract reformist pressures. People in many walks of life are asking searching political questions; they are thinking for themselves; and they begin to recognise the need to fight boldly to maintain freedom of thought, expression, association and action.

Events are pushing working people into militancy which can’t block indefinitely. The bosses are cutting production costs through automation, speedup and other devices intended both to squeeze more out of the workers on the job and to whittle down employment so far as they can. Although labour is by far the stronger in potential class force, victory is never automatically assured. In the long run class political consciousness will be decisive in determining the outcome of the battle. Today the capitalists have a big class advantage, stemming from policies consciously designed to serve their own interests at the expense of society as a whole. Labour remains crippled by illusions that progress can be made through collaboration with the enemy class. Despite growing necessity, the working class have failed to develop an independent policy in industry and politics; and they have still to arrive at the anti-capitalist, pro-socialist outlook fundamental to a solution of society’s basic problems. Now, favourable conditions are developing for a revolutionary socialist programme. To reach people it will be helpful to start from the big concerns in their minds today and present the socialist answer to these problems in clear language and comprehensible terms; then go on from there to deal with even more basic political questions. By weaving in the class lessons to be drawn from world labour history, a sense of class power and a deeper knowledge of sound class principles can be developed. Groundwork can be done in this way to get across a basic class-struggle analysis.