Monday, August 19, 2013
Working Class Holidays
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The travel agencies produce glamorous brochures of wonderful holiday idylls being enjoyed by fortunate workers but Adecco the employment agency have come up with some interesting statistics on the subject. 'A third of office workers do not take all their annual leave, with some feeling guilty about asking for time off, research suggests. Almost one in seven take their full entitlement only because they are required to, according to a a survey of 1,000 workers.' (Times, 19 August) Again this hardly suggests the press notion of work-shy workers. RD
Alienated Lives
Why are Scots sicker than the rest of the UK?
Dr Phil Hanlon and researchers at the Centre for Population Health have compared life, incomes and health outcomes in Glasgow, Liverpool and Manchester. They found “deprivation profiles” were almost identical, but premature deaths in Glasgow were 30 per cent higher.
This excess mortality ran across almost all ages, males and females and deprived and non-deprived neighbourhoods. It was not, surprisingly, lung cancer, heart and liver disease were not the factors tipping Glaswegians over the UK average. It was higher levels of drug and alcohol misuse, suicide and death through violence.
Why are some Glaswegians so prone to self-harming and life-shortening behaviours?
Chief Medical Officer Harry Burns cites the work of Aaron Antonovsky, who maintained that a sense of coherence (SOC) is necessary for adult health. The medical sociologist defined the SOC as “the extent to which one has a feeling of confidence that the stimuli deriving from one’s internal and external environments are structured, predictable and explicable, that one has the internal resources to meet the demands posed by these stimuli and, finally, that these demands are seen as challenges, worthy of investment and engagement”.
In other words, good health is a mixture of optimism and control that relies on life being comprehensible, manageable and meaningful. Comprehensibility allows people to perceive events as ordered, consistent, and structured. Manageability allows people to feel they can cope. Meaning allows life to make sense, and challenges to seem worthy of commitment.
Socialist Courier would rather phrase it in Marxist terms - Scots are more alienated. So many people are stuck in meaningless lives they can only self-medicate using drugs, booze or food.
Or perhaps as John Lennon puts it “you can't really function you're so full of fear” and they “keep you doped with religion sex and tv”
Sunday, August 18, 2013
Desperate Workers
The biggest accountancy firms have received record numbers of applications for entry-level positions, as university leavers flock to them for work. 'PwC, the largest of the Big Four, said that it had received 22,123 applications this year for about 1,100 positions in its latest annual graduate intake. .... KPMG had nearly 21,000 applications for about 650 graduate jobs ...... EY received 11,600 applications for 700 jobs.' (Times, 15 August) These figures give the lie to the usual glib press jibe about lazy workers. RD
Why Are Called Care Homes?
The National Press have some strange priorities. Headlines and special supplements were devoted to a royal birth whilst the following event got very little coverage. 'A grandmother died of malnutrition a day after being admitted to hospital from a care home where she had become so emaciated that she was described at an inquest as looking like a skeleton.' (Times, 16 August) The 88 year old weighed just 4st 12 lbs and was dehydrated after her treatment at a care home. After a life time of work this is the fate of many workers, but it will get little attention in the royalty-obsessed newspapers. RD
Saturday, August 17, 2013
Martin Irons - Not Forgotten
Socialist Courier continues its occasional series of drawing attention to the forgotten figures of the Scottish labour movement.
Few have heard of the Great Southwest Strike of 1886, the largest and most important clash between management and organized labor in 19th-century Texas history. In Bruceville, 16 miles south of Waco, is a monument to Martin Irons, who was the strike leader. Some historians and contemporaries cast Irons as the epitome of impatient, romantic, and even deluded labor activist. Irons became a special target of the railroad bosses, the newspapers , particularly the New York Times, and he also angered Powderly, the head of the union because of his militant and unwavering leadership in the strike.
He was born in Dundee in 1827 and immigrated to the United States at the age of 14. He was friendless, penniless, alone and had a clear head and a warm heart. He saw and felt the injustice suffered by his class.
He worked as a machinist for the railroads all over the Southwest. According to Ruth Allen's "The Great Southwest Strike" ( University of Texas, 1942), his politics consisted of anger "at the encroaching domination of corporate business as monopolist and employer, with agrarian insistence upon ownership of the land as the basis of liberty."
Irons, a master workman, joined the Knights of Labor in 1884 and helped form District Assembly 101, composed of workers for Jay Gould's Southwestern railroads. He was later elected chairman of the executive committee of the union assembly. Jay Gould was, to put it gently, a Robber Baron who controlled all the Southwestern railroads through interlocking companies. Jay Gould made himself famous by saying, “I can hire half the working class to kill the other half.”
In 1885, the year before the Great Strike, Gould fired the Knights of Labor shop men of the Wabash line, causing a walkout. The Knights working for other railroads refused to operate any train with Wabash cars and so brought Gould to the bargaining table. It was a great victory for the workers, and the Knights gained members increasing from about 100,000 to over 700,000, more than 30,000 members in Texas in 1885.
But Gould was determined to destroy the union. As Eugene Debs of the Socialist Party of America writes:
“as chairman of the executive board of the Knights of Labor of the Gould southwest railway system, defied capitalist tyranny, and from that hour he was doomed. All the powers of capitalism combined to crush him, and when at last he succumbed to overwhelming odds, he was hounded from place to place until he was ragged and foot-sore and the pangs of hunger gnawed at his vitals.”
In March 1886, Irons called a strike against Gould's Texas & Pacific Railway over the firing of a foreman in Marshall. The T&P strike soon spread to other railroad lines, as in the '85 strike. The workers uncoupled cars and seized switch junctures. Gould hired scabs and the Pinkertons (another Scot’s connection). The Pinkerton "detective agency" was union-busting force in those days, and also specialized in busting heads.
According to Debs “ Gould did not have gold enough to buy Irons. This was the greatest crime of labor's honest leader. The press united in fiercest denunciation. Every lie that malignity could conceive was circulated. In the popular mind Martin Irons was the blackest-hearted villain that ever went unhung. Pinkerton blood-hounds tracked him night and day.”
Gould also asked for military assistance from the governors of states affected by the strike. Texas Gov. John Ireland sent the state militia and the Texas Rangers to Buttermilk Switch in Fort Worth. This early example of using the Rangers for union-busting is of particular interest to those who remember the Rangers' strike-breaking activities in the Valley during efforts to organize the farmworkers in the 1960s. The ensuing violence turned public opinion against the strikers. Gould refused to negotiate, and the strike failed.
“Failure of the Great Southwest Strike represented the first major defeat sustained by the Knights of Labor and proved to be a fatal blow to their vision of an industrial union that would unite all railroad workers in the Southwest into 'one big union.' Once again, an emerging labor organization was crushed when competing with powerful, determined and well-organized industrialists in command of nationally based corporations," Ruth Allen concludes.
Irons had served, suffered for and honored his class. But he had lost. His class now turned against him and joined in the execration of the enemy. This pained him more than all else. But he bore even this without a murmur. “He was a despised agitator and shunned of men too mean and sordid to comprehend the lofty motive that inspired him....He endured the taunts and jeers and all the bitter mockery of fate with patient heroism."
Martin Irons was blacklisted and could not hold a regular job. He moved to St. Louis, Little Rock, Ark., and Fort Worth for brief periods, sometimes using an assumed name. Debs describes the life:
“For fourteen long years he fought single-handed the battle against persecution. He tramped far, and among strangers, under an assumed name, sought to earn enough to get bread. But he was tracked like a beast and driven from shelter. For this “poor wanderer of a stormy day” there was no pity. He had stood between his class and their oppressors-he was brave, and would not flinch; he was honest, and he would not sell; this was his crime, and he must die.’
In 1894, his health was failing; G.B. Harris of Bruceville, a socialist, offered him a home. Allen reports that Irons continued to work for social reform until his death in 1900. Debs says when Irons “spoke of Socialism he seemed transfigured, and all the smouldering fires within his soul blazed from his sunken eyes once more.”
A lot of busted heads and broken lives went into making the eight-hour workday a reality. Think how mad Martin Irons and all those other fighters would be at ho the corporations are getting away with mandatory overtime and 60-hour work-weeks. The thing about corporations is that they never give anything away out of the goodness of their non-existent hearts. The only social obligation of a corporation is to make money. Workers still have to fight for a decent life.
From here and here
Food for thought
Staying with the environment, and contradicting all the clean, green Tar Sands adverts we are getting on TV, The Toronto Star (July 20) reported that Canadian Natural Resources has been unable to stop an underground oil blowout that has gone on for six weeks at Cold Lake, Alberta. So far, some 26,000 and counting barrels of bitumen and 30,600 kilograms of oily vegetation have been removed. To say nothing of the 'in situ' or underground extraction technology called cyclic steam stimulation that involves injecting thousands of gallons of super hot, high pressure steam into deep underground reservoirs. Obviously, it's a crazy thing to do and is an accident waiting to happen, but it makes money, for some. John Ayers.
Time to liberate humanity
We live in a world rife with misery and oppression. Hunger, poverty, unemployment, racial and sexual discrimination, and many forms of repression, from the restriction of the most basic democratic rights like freedom of speech to hideous barbarism like torture and genocide, are still the lot of the majority of the people of the world. Today the whole world is in the grip of a deep economic crisis of capitalism. The gulf between the rich and the poor, between the powerful and the dispossessed, is widening. Capitalists have only one reason for being – to accumulate more and more capital. We live in a world dominated by capitalism, a system which allows a small minority of capitalists to oppress and exploit the great majority of humankind. It is capitalism that brings about great inequalities in living standards with more poor people now in the world than ever before.
Far from diminishing with the advances in science and technology, the various forms of misery is growing. It is an astonishing paradox that, in a world where there could be plenty for all, there is increasing want and hunger.The anarchy of production and the crises under capitalism explains the enormous waste of productive forces and also explains why, alongside this waste, millions of people lack the basic necessities and why even famine strikes in various parts of the world. At the root of all these problems is the exploitation of some people by other people. All of the deprivations and conflicts are brought about by a society divided into oppressors and oppressed, the capitalist class exploiting the working class.
Only a socialist revolution can put an end to the capitalist relations of exploitation and establish a society of abundance. Socialist society is based on the free association of all individuals who work together to produce the goods necessary for their collective well-being. All will work according to their capacities and their needs will be fully satisfied. Individuals will no longer be governed by the division of labour and all conflict between city and countryside and between manual and intellectual work will be eliminated. The emancipation of the workers will be accomplished by the workers themselves. They will achieve it through socialist revolution, which will suppress the private ownership of the means of production in order to establish socialist and collective property and replace capitalist commodity production by the socialist organisation of production
The expropriation of the capitalists and the socialisation of the means of production and distribution will lead directly to the abolition of society divided into classes with opposing interests. The abolition of classes will in turn lead to the withering away of the State, and ultimately to its extinction, for the State is not, and can never be, anything other than the instrument of dictatorship of one class over others. The fundamental interests of workers are the same throughout the world.
Capitalism is poisoning the air we breathe, poisoning the water we drink, and polluting both land and sea. No lasting solution to any of these problems will be found while capitalism is allowed to survive in the world. Today the human species stands at a turning point: either we have the socialist transformation of society or we are eventually destroyed by environmental disaster. The only viable way forward is to achieve socialism, a classless and stateless society on a world scale where people do not oppress and exploit each other and where we live in harmony with our natural environment.
The only way forward is to struggle to bring about this social revolution and begin the struggle to build a socialist society where oppressive and exploitative class divisions and all the evils that go with them are abolished. The working class has it within its power to overthrow capitalist society and pave the way for the liberation of the whole of humankind.
“By peaceful means if possible, by forcible if necessary” is the reply of the Socialist Party of Great Britain to the question “How do we propose attaining our object?” The Socialist Party is the bearer of historic memory. The working class character and the integrity of the Socialist Party are of vital importance. All the votes of the people would do us no good if our party ceased to be a revolutionary socialist party yielding to the temptation to modify our principles for the sake of swelling our vote. Nor can there be any possible good from any kind of a political alliance with non-socialist parties. The Socialist Party wants the votes only of those who want socialism. Join with us in the struggle against capitalism and for revolution. The hour is late. Join us now before it is too late!
Friday, August 16, 2013
Reading Notes
We are all familiar today with the tax evasion antics of the rich, but it is nothing new. In "A brief History of Life in the Middle Ages", Martyn Whittock writes, "Local landowners could remove their lands from royal taxation by setting up a monastic church, administered by a family member. This was clearly not in the spirit of how monasteries should be established and such monasteries were more of a tax loophole than a statement of individual piety." (to put it mildly!)
How far has humanity come in its still primitive stage? The same book states, " In terms of life expectancy, life in early medieval England was comparable with the poorest less economically developed countries (LECDs) of the twenty-first century. In fact, when life expectancy for women dropped to 26 years in Sierra Leone in 2002, following a catastrophic civil war which had brought the country to the lowest point on the world rating of LECDs, it was one year longer than the estimate for women in the early Middle Ages. That same year, the male life expectancy in Burkina Faso was 35.3 years -- about the medieval male average." Obviously, we have a long way to go until we can call ourselves civilized. John Ayers.
Food for thought
Garment factories in Bangladesh are not just killing people by collapsing and bursting into flames. They also dump their toxic wastes into rivers and canals that, naturally, drift downstream and contaminate drinking water for people there. So companies like Walmart, J.C. Penney, and H & M not only benefit from low wages and appalling working conditions, but also by having no cost or responsibility to keep the environment clean by properly disposing of their waste. It must be heaven for the profit takers, just what capitalism ordered! John Ayers.
The Trade Union Question
The workers, who have suffered their disappointments from the traditional parties begin themselves quite naturally to press for other means of political expression: means which they believe to be their own. The trade unions are the simplest and most elementary form of workers’ organisations. From the moment trade unions came into existence the strike has always been their principal weapon. The “right to strike” has always stood in the forefront of trade union experience and behind all negotiations, bargains, and settlements. Indeed, all trade union power rests trade unionists willingness to “withdraw their labour”. It is a “right” which cannot be taken away. It can be legally fettered and intimidation may make it difficult to exercise but to cease work is the essence of working class combination.
Despite the fall in membership workers have demonstrated a remarkable tenacity in clinging to their trade unions. Whatever may happen to this or that union or any number of unions, the workers do not wish to abandon the union movement but to broaden it, increase its militancy, etc. So long as capitalism endures, organisation of some kind on the job to deal with the boss is indispensable. The reason for this is has to do with the system of capitalist exploitation, workers are compelled, in the process of self-defence to struggle not only against separate capitalists, but against the entire capitalist system as well. During the course of their struggle with capitalism, the unions came into collision with the whole capitalist system and with the capitalist State itself. It is a movement of wage-workers and all its problems are based upon the fact that the members of the unions are wage-workers who, to live, must sell their labour power to the private owners of the means of production. The fundamental purpose of the trade unions is the pursuit of the interests of the wage-workers.
It should be remembered that the trade unions are organisations of workers at work, bound up with the question of the terms of labour, such as wages, hours of labour, conditions of work, terms upon which the work has to be done in thousands of different occupations. These are essentially property questions, expressing themselves in struggles between opposing classes for the products of industry. The more they multiply and become general, the more it gives rise to the demand for the control and ownership of industry by the workers themselves. Ownership and control cannot be separated from each other. They who own industry control it.“He who owns the means whereby I live, owns me” Shakespeare wrote. Hence the question of the workers’ control of industry and the coming of the classless society based upon community ownership are inseparable questions also.
The issue of the role of the trade unions in the control of industry, what it should be now and in the future, has been a burning question for many trades unionists. The ideas, demands and movements of workers’ participation, workers’ control, self-management, direct workers’ rule, workers’ democracy have a long-standing tradition and are deeply rooted. The pioneers of the unions recognised the slave condition of the workers in capitalism and had faith in the worker’s power and capacity to abolish the slavery and build a new society of free men-controlling industry in a classless society. Industrial unionists and syndicalists gave very definite answers to the question. The syndicalists and industrialists advanced the idea of the workers in a particular industry owning and controlling it from top to bottom. This conception of the future of the unions was the modern counterpart to the “House of Trades” of the Chartist pioneers. An adaptation of the industrial unionist proposals was made by the guild socialists who advocated the social ownership of the means of production, the administration of certain political affairs by a citizens’ parliament and the administration of industry by industrial unions or guilds, organized in an industrial assembly, subordinate to Parliament in regard to general policy. GDH Cole argued for the democratisation of the capitalist state with the unions taking a greater share of responsibility for the running of industry by means of representation on its governing bodies, protecting wage rates, hours of labour, factory conditions, etc., acting as a brake on the rate of exploitation of the workers. They would be the custodians of certain forms of social insurance, such as unemployment pay, sick pay, old age pensions. They would have the function of “consultants” with regard to the general development and organisation of the economic life of the country. Syndicalists and industrial unionists assumed that the unions would not only control industry but also serve as the basis of the whole social administration. Guild socialists realised the weakness of this theory and maintained that the State should continue to represent the people as citizens or consumers.
Whatever of value there is in the vision of an industrial democracy, there is no evidence of the possibility of the working class achieving power in that way. Industry may be “socialized” by trade union control but production will remain on a capitalist basis. At first sight, it is appears an attractive idea: Get rid of the owners, work for ourselves and enjoy the full fruits of our labour. The idea of taking over managerial functions from the employers till the factories fully belonged to the workers seems impelling.
But it is a trap.
A company has to buy its raw materials on the market, along with every other company. A company has to sell its finished products on the market, along with every other company. A company has to invest in new plant and equipment, along with every other company. To do this, they must make enough surplus value and like any other business it is done by employing less staff or by increasing intensity of work or taking a wage cut. It means workers attacking their own living standards. Workers control of industry is largely incompatible with a union’s character as a voluntary association of the workers formed primarily to protect and represent their interests. It means the participation of workers in their own exploitation. As long as the capitalism has not been abolished workers will be obliged to submit to its requirements.
Workers have to seek other methods and goals.
Thursday, August 15, 2013
A Little More Food for thought
Relevant to the recent revelation that the US is spying on its own citizens and the governments of other countries, the New York Times (July 21) reported on two Italian hackers working on the Mediterranean island of Malta. They search for bugs, software flaws that governments pay hundreds of thousands of dollars to learn about and exploit. It allows them to break into the computer systems of their foreign adversaries. Of course, we all know that all countries are at the same game and that the US just got caught with its pants down. What a system that forces everybody to spy on everybody else just to keep up and compete. John Ayers.
Food for thought
Saudi prince, Alwaleed Bin Talal is suing Forbes magazine because in their list of the world's billionaires, his fortune of $20 billion was underestimated by $9.6 billion, according to the prince. Consequently, he should be a few rungs higher on the rich list. How arrogant can they get?
Seems Marx must have been wrong with his crisis theory. In "What' Holding Developing Economies Down" by David Olive (Toronto Star, July 6, 2013) he quotes Ruchir Sharma, head of emerging markets at Morgan Stanley Investment Management, and author of "Breakout Nations", as saying, " Crisis gives birth to reform, which flowers into a boom, which matures into political complacency, which ages into a new crisis". Nothing to do with the capitalist system really
then! John Ayers.
Seems Marx must have been wrong with his crisis theory. In "What' Holding Developing Economies Down" by David Olive (Toronto Star, July 6, 2013) he quotes Ruchir Sharma, head of emerging markets at Morgan Stanley Investment Management, and author of "Breakout Nations", as saying, " Crisis gives birth to reform, which flowers into a boom, which matures into political complacency, which ages into a new crisis". Nothing to do with the capitalist system really
then! John Ayers.
Business for Scotland
Tory supporter, Laurie Clark, the owner and managing director of Paisley-based firm Anglo-Scottish Concrete told Prime Minister David Cameron that he would be backing independence in the referendum.
“The referendum is not a choice between Scottish and British identity. Instead, for me, it is about how best we realise the potential of Scotland, create wealth and jobs, expand the private sector and reform the public sector in the interests of the nation as a whole... We could and should be attracting much more substantial business, investment and jobs with fiscal solutions and broader public policy tailored to the distinctive Scottish economic environment.”
As the Socialist Courier frequently asserts the issue of an independent Scotland is one for the capitalist class to decide upon the division of their spoils. Some will favour it and some will oppose the idea but at the root, as Clark infers - it will all be about who gets the profits - and that certainly won’t be the members of the Scottish working class.
World Revolution
“The whole world has tended to become one community similar to that which exists in a single country. A few weeks ago men were buying and selling. lending and borrowing, contracting and planning, with little attention to national boundaries, when suddenly the whole co-operative system was disrupted.” Standard Oil describing the effect of World War One
In modern industry, raw material is taken from the Earth, pass through factories, where it is manufactured into articles of sale, and then distributed to markets by various ways of transport. The whole system of transaction is made possible and facilitated by means of money and credit—by banks and banking. Without the constant co-operation of millions of workers employed in these various sub-divisions there can be no industry in the modern sense. The objective conditions for socialism are apparent everywhere. Cooperative mass organisation of labour within industry, collective corporate enterprise and its far-flung interests, separation of ownership and management and the collective performance of managerial functions by hired employees. We can see this exemplified by the supermarket chain stores in distribution. An abundance exists which makes possible and necessary the collective or socialist distribution of goods, a socialisation of consumption to correspond with the socialization of production. Capitalism rejects this possibility and necessity because it means its own abolition.
Industry is integrated in socialism, managed as a whole, not as scattered parts disregarding and clashing with one another. Considerations of private interest or profit interfere neither with production nor consumption. Rational planning of industry is possible, with the exclusive aim of meeting community needs. The abundance of industry is released on an immensely enlarged scale. As this means the abolition of capitalism there is a clash of the old and the new, a struggle of classes, a struggle for power between the classes representing the old and the new.
The struggle for power aims to get control of the state or to retain control. Like all states, the capitalist state is an organ of class rule and suppression, under capitalist control, enmeshed in all the class-economic and exploiting relations of the existing order. Capitalism creates an ideology to disguise and justify its predatory character: it is a necessary device of class domination. The dominant capitalist interests use all means, of an increasingly forcible nature as the struggle sharpens, to retain control of the state for a twofold purpose: to suppress the proletariat and its allies in the struggle for power, and to augment the economic activity of the state. Although their ideal is that government is best which governs least capitalists constantly enlarges the scope and use of state power. More and more state action was required by the complex relations and problems arising out of capitalist expansion. Governments “protect” the home market and newly developing industries, enterprises call for state intervention in the form of financial subsidies or actual government ownership for various reasons: their unprofitable character, lack of private capital, as a source of government revenue, in the interests of the economy as a whole, or simply for reasons of political expediency. The state “regulates” the relations of capitalism. State capitalism is used to encourage and permit more rapid economic development.
The term state capitalism was originally used to designate only the government ownership of economic enterprises. But its meaning is now much wider to include all forms of government intervention in economic activity to aid capitalism to overcome the contradictions and antagonisms in industry, particularly in the United States. The intervention is always within the relations of capitalist property and exploitation, of the subjection of labour to capital. All forms of state capitalism are animated by the necessity and use of the collective action of the state to “strengthen” capitalism as much as it can and “compensate” for the effects of the anarchy of production as much as is possible. State capitalism has been greeted by many on the Left and the reformists as the progressive unfoldment of a new social order. In reality, the result has been the deepening entrenchment of capitalism.
Pressure from workers has forced the adoption of reforms and minor concessions of social legislation to “placate” this labour opposition. The usual justification for reform from the Left lies in the fact that they make it easier for the workers to organise themselves and enlighten themselves about the real meaning of capitalism and the part that they are forced to play under it, and shows the thinking worker how futile it is to dream of reforming capitalism. They furnish, besides that, a rallying ground for those workers who cannot see beyond their own nose, and perhaps would not understand socialism, but do feel the need for a shorter working day.
The risk, however, arises when reformists try to persuade the workers as well as themselves that socialism only means the sum of a number of such petty acts and restrictions; that in other words, welfare measures are socialism. By that approach “socialism” gets the credit for legislation which are in all but name means for defending capitalism against socialism and all the disadvantages which arise from that fact are written down to the discredit of socialism. The dominant class interests use a bastardised “socialism” to prevent the coming of socialism and to stabilise capitalism
No doubt reform changes will always produce a certain reaction such as disillusionment but that may be less if there are some real advantages than if the whole measure is an elaborate swindle. The main point, however, is whether the experience of decades of social reform activities has not been to show that it would be simpler and better to concentrate our efforts on the abolition of capitalism than on any attempts to reform it. That is not to say that we need reject capitalist reforms but we ought to regard them as what they are, as attempts to prolong capitalism. The less enthusiasm we show ourselves about them, the more keen will the capitalist may well champion them.
Our business as socialist is to show how inadequate all such reforms are as solutions to remove the evils from which the workers suffer. But above all there is a need for us to make clear that only with the abolition of production for profit, and the competition between the capitalists for sources of profitable investment which is an inevitable result of the capitalist system, can we get rid of the social problems of capitalism such as poverty, crime and war.
Socialists may sometimes talk about the inevitability of socialism but there is for socialists a great danger to forget the requirement for enthusiasm for the great social and economic transformation of society. Many overlook the fact that it is the collective workers’ will which forms the essential element in that development of socialism. We also assume that the workers will continue to engage in the daily class struggle . Were they to accept the coming of socialism in a fatalist sense, and think that they could sit down tamely and wait till socialism came to them, they would soon lose all the rights that they have gained and become mere slaves.
The reformism of capitalism must fail. But that does not make socialism inevitable. Capitalism does not “grow into” socialism, it merely determines the necessary historical conditions, which provide the working class with the opportunity for creative action. State capitalism is not the transition to socialism but a reaction against it and becomes a type of corporate capitalism. There is no “final" crisis of capitalism , unless the workers makes it so. For capitalism can always find a “way out” from a recession, even if it is by stumbling about blindly for the exit.
When class-conscious workers, both politically and economically, have become so well organised as to make their exploitation impossible, then capitalism will have reached the end of its life. That is what we understand by social revolution, and our ideal – that of human brother- and sisterhood – is revolutionary, because it is only to be realised by the social revolution.
In modern industry, raw material is taken from the Earth, pass through factories, where it is manufactured into articles of sale, and then distributed to markets by various ways of transport. The whole system of transaction is made possible and facilitated by means of money and credit—by banks and banking. Without the constant co-operation of millions of workers employed in these various sub-divisions there can be no industry in the modern sense. The objective conditions for socialism are apparent everywhere. Cooperative mass organisation of labour within industry, collective corporate enterprise and its far-flung interests, separation of ownership and management and the collective performance of managerial functions by hired employees. We can see this exemplified by the supermarket chain stores in distribution. An abundance exists which makes possible and necessary the collective or socialist distribution of goods, a socialisation of consumption to correspond with the socialization of production. Capitalism rejects this possibility and necessity because it means its own abolition.
Industry is integrated in socialism, managed as a whole, not as scattered parts disregarding and clashing with one another. Considerations of private interest or profit interfere neither with production nor consumption. Rational planning of industry is possible, with the exclusive aim of meeting community needs. The abundance of industry is released on an immensely enlarged scale. As this means the abolition of capitalism there is a clash of the old and the new, a struggle of classes, a struggle for power between the classes representing the old and the new.
The struggle for power aims to get control of the state or to retain control. Like all states, the capitalist state is an organ of class rule and suppression, under capitalist control, enmeshed in all the class-economic and exploiting relations of the existing order. Capitalism creates an ideology to disguise and justify its predatory character: it is a necessary device of class domination. The dominant capitalist interests use all means, of an increasingly forcible nature as the struggle sharpens, to retain control of the state for a twofold purpose: to suppress the proletariat and its allies in the struggle for power, and to augment the economic activity of the state. Although their ideal is that government is best which governs least capitalists constantly enlarges the scope and use of state power. More and more state action was required by the complex relations and problems arising out of capitalist expansion. Governments “protect” the home market and newly developing industries, enterprises call for state intervention in the form of financial subsidies or actual government ownership for various reasons: their unprofitable character, lack of private capital, as a source of government revenue, in the interests of the economy as a whole, or simply for reasons of political expediency. The state “regulates” the relations of capitalism. State capitalism is used to encourage and permit more rapid economic development.
The term state capitalism was originally used to designate only the government ownership of economic enterprises. But its meaning is now much wider to include all forms of government intervention in economic activity to aid capitalism to overcome the contradictions and antagonisms in industry, particularly in the United States. The intervention is always within the relations of capitalist property and exploitation, of the subjection of labour to capital. All forms of state capitalism are animated by the necessity and use of the collective action of the state to “strengthen” capitalism as much as it can and “compensate” for the effects of the anarchy of production as much as is possible. State capitalism has been greeted by many on the Left and the reformists as the progressive unfoldment of a new social order. In reality, the result has been the deepening entrenchment of capitalism.
Pressure from workers has forced the adoption of reforms and minor concessions of social legislation to “placate” this labour opposition. The usual justification for reform from the Left lies in the fact that they make it easier for the workers to organise themselves and enlighten themselves about the real meaning of capitalism and the part that they are forced to play under it, and shows the thinking worker how futile it is to dream of reforming capitalism. They furnish, besides that, a rallying ground for those workers who cannot see beyond their own nose, and perhaps would not understand socialism, but do feel the need for a shorter working day.
The risk, however, arises when reformists try to persuade the workers as well as themselves that socialism only means the sum of a number of such petty acts and restrictions; that in other words, welfare measures are socialism. By that approach “socialism” gets the credit for legislation which are in all but name means for defending capitalism against socialism and all the disadvantages which arise from that fact are written down to the discredit of socialism. The dominant class interests use a bastardised “socialism” to prevent the coming of socialism and to stabilise capitalism
No doubt reform changes will always produce a certain reaction such as disillusionment but that may be less if there are some real advantages than if the whole measure is an elaborate swindle. The main point, however, is whether the experience of decades of social reform activities has not been to show that it would be simpler and better to concentrate our efforts on the abolition of capitalism than on any attempts to reform it. That is not to say that we need reject capitalist reforms but we ought to regard them as what they are, as attempts to prolong capitalism. The less enthusiasm we show ourselves about them, the more keen will the capitalist may well champion them.
Our business as socialist is to show how inadequate all such reforms are as solutions to remove the evils from which the workers suffer. But above all there is a need for us to make clear that only with the abolition of production for profit, and the competition between the capitalists for sources of profitable investment which is an inevitable result of the capitalist system, can we get rid of the social problems of capitalism such as poverty, crime and war.
Socialists may sometimes talk about the inevitability of socialism but there is for socialists a great danger to forget the requirement for enthusiasm for the great social and economic transformation of society. Many overlook the fact that it is the collective workers’ will which forms the essential element in that development of socialism. We also assume that the workers will continue to engage in the daily class struggle . Were they to accept the coming of socialism in a fatalist sense, and think that they could sit down tamely and wait till socialism came to them, they would soon lose all the rights that they have gained and become mere slaves.
The reformism of capitalism must fail. But that does not make socialism inevitable. Capitalism does not “grow into” socialism, it merely determines the necessary historical conditions, which provide the working class with the opportunity for creative action. State capitalism is not the transition to socialism but a reaction against it and becomes a type of corporate capitalism. There is no “final" crisis of capitalism , unless the workers makes it so. For capitalism can always find a “way out” from a recession, even if it is by stumbling about blindly for the exit.
When class-conscious workers, both politically and economically, have become so well organised as to make their exploitation impossible, then capitalism will have reached the end of its life. That is what we understand by social revolution, and our ideal – that of human brother- and sisterhood – is revolutionary, because it is only to be realised by the social revolution.
Wednesday, August 14, 2013
Who Owns the North Pole Part 62
With help from the French energy company Total and the China National Petroleum Corporation, Russian capitalists celebrate global warming by building $20 Billion natural gas plant in the Arctic.
Gas produced from the Yamal LNG plant would be shipped to Asia along northern sea lanes that only began opening up four years ago as warmer ocean temperatures thawed and thinned the ice sheets. Global warming may be causing worrisome environmental damage, but for oil and gas industrialists such changes can mean new-found profits.
http://www.allgov.com/news/us-and-the-world/russians-capitalists-celebrate-global-warming-by-building-20-billion-natural-gas-plant-in-arctic-130726?news=850682
Gas produced from the Yamal LNG plant would be shipped to Asia along northern sea lanes that only began opening up four years ago as warmer ocean temperatures thawed and thinned the ice sheets. Global warming may be causing worrisome environmental damage, but for oil and gas industrialists such changes can mean new-found profits.
http://www.allgov.com/news/us-and-the-world/russians-capitalists-celebrate-global-warming-by-building-20-billion-natural-gas-plant-in-arctic-130726?news=850682
This "wonderful" world - Or a new one?
The basic problem of capitalism is the source of all its weakness is found in the fact that this system does not carry on production for the benefit of society as a whole but for the profit of a relatively small owning or controlling class. The industries by which society must live are owned by private individuals or by the government who ruthlessly exploit the masses who work in these industries. Under capitalism production is regulated not by the needs of the majority but by whether or not the capitalist or ruling class can make a profit by such production; commodities are not produced primarily for use, but for profit. Even the limited progress that capitalism has accomplished for humanity has been achieved at the cost of incredible misery, poverty and slaughter of the working class.
Conflict and disruptive struggles between individual capitalists and between rival capitalist States are systematic. There exists a division of capitalist society into classes of exploiters and producers, with resultant class struggle between them. Capitalist production is anarchic. Capitalism can live only by a rapid extension of its market. The innumerable individual capitalists and companies, compete and ruthlessly exploit the toiling working class, produce whatever they think they can sell. The development of the capitalist system has not been even and steady, but by a series of jerks. The zigzag graph made by the cyclical crises is quite familiar. First, the upward trend, a period of industrial expansion, with rising prices and wages, an era of good employment, “prosperity” and optimism, gradually developing into a boom, with its characteristic orgies of feverish production, stock speculation, etc.; secondly, the downward trend, with the gradual surfeit of the market from excess production, slowing down of industry, wage-cuts, fall of prices, mass unemployment, financial “panics” and general economic crisis; and thirdly, the trough of the crisis, in which the productive forces are diminished and the choking surplus of commodities, in the low state of production, are consumed or wasted in various ways and the markets thus cleared for a fresh race between the swiftly expanding productive forces and the more slowly developing capitalist market. The current recession showed how whole sections of the capitalist economy can fall into paralysis, and this paralysis spreads.
The cyclical crisis also greatly sharpens the major social contradiction of capitalism, the ever-active antagonism between the working class and the capitalist class. In economic crises the capitalists always seek to shift the economic burden onto the workers through wage-cuts, etc., and this still further stokes the class struggle. Hence, the capitalist cyclical crises have been especially periods of great strikes fiercely fought, growing class consciousness of the workers. A basic indication to-day of the general crisis of capitalism is the increasing revolutionary upsurge throughout the world. It varies in intensity from intensified protest movements to increased strike actions to actual struggles for power. Workers, faced by intolerable conditions, are exhibiting the characteristic signs of radicalisation. Workers everywhere are beginning to penetrate the lies of capitalism.
Capitalism has created the objective conditions for socialism. But it can go no further. Capitalism has provided its own executioners and grave diggers, the working class. Socialism is no longer is it simply the aspiration of an oppressed working class. Now it is a living, growing reality. Socialism abolishes the chaos and anarchy of capitalist production and social organization; it does away with the dog-eat-dog competition of capitalist industry, breeder of industrial crises and war. It sets up instead a planned system of economy in harmony with the global character of modern industry and social relationships. Instead of a hodge-podge of competing enterprises, socialism will create a great, inter-linked and co-ordinated modern industrial-agricultural machine; instead of a profit-making apparatus to fatten a few while millions starve, it socialism will building its industries for the benefit of the producers. In socialism there is no exploitation. There will be no ruling, owning class, no class to get a rake-off from the worker’s production.The main task of all capitalist governments is the suppression and exploitation of the people.
The capitalists, as is their wont, seek to justify their destructive type of competition by asserting that it is rooted firmly in human nature. Such appeals to “human nature,” however, must be taken cautiously. By that method of reasoning it would be quite easy to conclude that the rich capitalist who heartlessly casts workers out of the factory penniless and gives no thought as to their future has quite a different “human nature” than of the Amazon hunter who, with his high sense of tribal solidarity, before eating his kill, calls loudly in the four directions in case perchance there may be another hungry hunter nearby. Changed social conditions develop different “human natures.”
Socialism will be use machinery and technology on the broadest scale possible to produce the necessities of life in the industries, transport systems and communication services. Socialist society will also know how to develop the creative and artistic impulses of the people which are presently checked by poverty and slavery, hamstrung by the profit-making motive, where the masses and poisoned by anti-social codes of morals and ethics. Every free community will involve the maximum cultivation of the intellectual and artistic powers of all. The imprint of individuality and originality will be upon everything. Socialism frees humanity from the stultifying effects of the present struggle for existence and opens up before it new horizons of joys and tasks.
The socialist revolution is the most profound of all revolutions in history. It initiates changes more rapid and far-reaching than any in the whole experience of mankind. The hundreds of millions of workers, striking off their age-old chains of slavery, will construct a society of liberty and prosperity and intelligence. Socialism will inaugurate a new era for the human race, the building of a new world. The overthrow of capitalism and the development of socialism will bring about the immediate or eventual solution of many great social problems. Some of these originate in capitalism, and others have plagued humanity for scores of centuries - war, religion, superstition, prostitution, famine, disease, crime, poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, race and national chauvinism, the suppression of woman, and every form of slavery and exploitation of one class by another. Capitalism, with its wars, wage slavery, slums, crooked doctors, etc., undermines the health of the race and destroys its physique. Socialism with its healthy dwellings and working conditions, its nutritious and plentiful food, will offer well-being to all.
Socialists have and must always interest themselves in the nature of the capitalist state. They must fight to have it democratised even from the point of view of capitalist democracy. But in that struggle we must be constantly be teaching the workers that not capitalist democracy and not the capitalist state will bring us socialism but workers themselves.
We take it for granted that socialism cannot be introduced by a change of the constitution and the enactment of one law after another. We take it for granted that the state is an instrument to serve and protect the interests of the capitalist class. The police, the military, the courts and all the powers lodged in government departments and ministries are all freely at the service of the ruling class. Behind the Parliamentary majority there must stand the organised workers – there must be mass struggles and participation to secure the necessary transformation of the State machine. This is the dictatorship of the proletariat, the whole class exercising political power, realising new forms of organisation. It is the class struggle in its most intense form that will decide what class will have power and whether a socialist world will be created.
Capitalism, based upon human exploitation, stands as the great barrier to social progress. There will come day in the not so far distant future when our children, immersed in this new life, will look back with horror upon capitalism and be aghast by just how long we tolerated it for.
Tuesday, August 13, 2013
This Is Progress?
Many have the notion that we live in a society that despite its flaws is somehow or other progressing but recent developments must make them wonder. The Government have a van driving around London in areas where large numbers of ethnic minorities live which feature the message 'In the UK illegally? Go home or face arrest'. We have an UKIP MEP referring to 'bongo bongo land'. What kind of progress is this? The ideas of nationalism and racism are obnoxious to socialists and hopefully to more workers RD
The Enigma
FIGHT FOR A WORLD OF ABUNDANCE |
Many mistake the economic crash, the failures at the Stock Exchange, financial and banking disasters for the cause. Such like factors may lead to, but are not the causes of, business depressions and the recession. Capitalism is a s free-for-all that endures for a while. Every manufacturer and trader is the antagonist, opponent, and rival of all others; each seeks to surpass or conquer all others in the industrial battle. Manufacturers must keep on turning out goods to keep machinery and works in action; the businessman places orders in anticipation of new orders, and in this way pays his old debts by contracting new ones. Finally all trade becomes blockaded; business stagnates; industry languishes; orders slow up, for
stocks are abnormally large. Workers are put on short-time, temporary laid off, or made redundant and dismissed. Manufacturers are compelled to shut down their works, or cut back on production. Businesses cannot pay their old debts, for they cannot contract new ones. Banks refuse to loan money, some of them will even burst because they have loaned out too much.
Capitalism has itself constructed the basis for transcending the misery to which it condemns humanity. It long ago built up the productive forces—industry, technology and a globalised network economy—to the point where the possibility exists to produce an abundance of all the things people need. Shortages of housing, food and every other form of want can be easily overcome, but that potential remains trapped by capitalism’s pursuit of profit. Capitalism is a free-for-all that endures for a while. Every manufacturer and trader is the antagonist, opponent, and rival of all others; each seeks to surpass or conquer all others in the industrial battle.
Reformists promise to redistribute wealth, to regulate the multinationals and the banking giants. They promise panaceas of social security that are unrealisable while the conditions of capitalism remain. Hopes arise that out of this they may restore the economy. Futile hopes, empty dreams! Raw material exists in abundance, human energy and ingenuity is in abundance, the genuine desire for useful articles of all kinds exists in every home,yet under capitalist control of industry it is impossible to bring these together. Nothing is so easily produced as wealth. The earth is one vast mass of raw materials. Hidden in every passing river, in every wave or tide, in every gust of wind and ray of sun, are the renewable forces to be transformed into energy. We can tap into Nature’s fabulous abundance to banish for all time the spectre of want, and make Earth fit for human habitation, once again. The Socialist’s mission is to win the world back from capitalist barbarism. A socialist society would seek to produce the needs of all rather than the profit of an elite class of profiteers.
By producing an abundance of necessary goods for all, socialism removes the very basis for the existence of classes. Necessary work would be divided equally among all. And the introduction of labor-saving technology, instead of creating unemployment as it does under capitalism, would be used to shorten the work week and free workers’ lives for greater leisure. In such ways the basis would be laid for the development of a society free of all forms of exploitation and oppression. The worst in socialism will be better than the best in capitalism
Socialism is the common ownership of the means of production and exchange and their democratic organization and management by all the people in a society free of classes, class divisions and class rule. Socialism is the democratic organization of production use, of production for abundance, of plenty for all, without the exploitation of man by man. Socialism is the union of the whole world into an international association of free and equal peoples, disposing in common of the natural resources and wealth of our shared planet.
Can this great ideal ever be realised?
Socialist society is not a dream or utopia. All the conditions for the formation of such a society have already created within the capitalist world itself. The scientific, technological and productive powers of humanity have already grown so enormously that founding a society committed to the well-being of all is perfectly feasible. Capitalism has created the great social force that can materialise this liberating prospect. The staggering power of capital on a global scale is a reflection of the power of a world working class. Unlike other oppressed classes in the history of human society, the working class cannot set itself free without freeing the whole of humanity. Socialist society is the product of workers' revolution to put an end to the system of wage-slavery; a social revolution which inevitably transforms the entire foundation of the production relations.A large part of these resources is now either wasted in different ways or is even deliberately used to hinder efforts to improve society and satisfy human needs. But for all the immensity of society's material resources.
The advances in computerisation and information technology means that the organisation of a world community with collective participation in the design, planning and execution of society's diverse functions is possible more than ever before. The backbone of socialist society is the creative and living power of billions of men and women beings freed from class bondage, wage-slavery, intellectual slavery, alienation and degradation. The free human being is the guarantee for the realisation of communist society.
In socialism, production is organised for use, not for profit. Production is carried on in a planned, democratically-controlled way, not on the basis of whether or not the private capitalist can make a profit on the market.
Where there is abundance for all, the nightmare of insecurity vanishes. There are jobs for all, and they are no longer dependent on whether or not the employer can make a fat profit on a fat market. There is not only a high standard of living, but every industrial advance is followed by a rising standard of living and a declining working-day. More leisure, less toil.
Where there is abundance for all, and where no one has the economic power to exploit and oppress others, the basis of classes, class division and class conflict vanishes. The basis of a ruling state, of a government of violence and repression, with its prisons and police and army, also disappears. Police and thieves, prisons and violence are inevitable where there is economic inequality, or abundance for the few and scarcity for the many. They disappear when there is plenty for all, therefore economic equality, therefore social equality.
Where there is abundance for all, and where all have equal access to the fruits of the soil and the wealth of industry, the mad conflicts and wars between nations and peoples vanish. With them vanishes the irrepressible urge that exists under capitalism for one nation to subject others, to rob it of its resources, to exploit and oppress it, to provoke and maintain the hideous national and racial antagonisms that cling to capitalism like an ineradicable bloodstain.
We in the Socialist Party of Great Britain are organized to make the working class conscious of its historical mission, of the great part it must play in reorganising society itself. We are part and parcel of the working class and the labour movement.
We do not say to the workers: "Fix your eyes so rigidly on the socialist future that you ignore the needs and battles of the day." Rather, we also say: "Fight every-day for that which will strengthens the working class, which gives it a stronger position in society, which increases its self-confidence and militancy, which pits it against its mortal enemy capitalism and the capitalist class-which strengthens its independence, and which, therefore, brings it a step further along the road of struggle for the socialist future."
Socialism puts an end to the class division of society and abolishes the wage-labour system. Thus, market, exchange of commodities, and money disappear. Production for profit is replaced by production to meet people's needs and to bring about greater prosperity for all. Work, which in capitalist society for the overwhelming majority is an involuntary, mechanical and strenuous activity to earn a living, gives way to voluntary, creative and conscious activity to enrich human life. Everyone, by virtue of being a human being and being born into human society will be equally entitled to all of life's resources and the products of collective effort. From everyone according to their ability, to everyone according to their need — this is a basic principle of communist society. The administrative affairs of the society will be managed by the cooperation, consensus and collective decision-making of all of its members.
Not only class divisions but also the division of people according to occupation will disappear. All fields of creative activity will be opened up to all. The development of each person will be the condition of development of the society.
Socialism is a global society. National boundaries and divisions will disappear and give way to a universal human identity. Socialist society is a society free of religion, superstitious beliefs, ideology and archaic traditions and moralities that strangle free thought.
The wage-labour system, that is the daily compulsion of the great majority of people to sell their physical and intellectual abilities to others in order to make a living, is the source and essence of the violence which is inherent of this system. This naked violence has many direct victims: Women, workers, children, the aged, people of the poorer regions of the world, anyone who stands up to any oppression, and anyone who has been branded as belonging to this or that "minority". In this system, thanks essentially to the rivalry of economic blocs, war and genocide have assumed staggering proportions. The technology of war and mass destruction is far more advanced than the technology used in production of goods. The bourgeoisie's global arsenal can annihilate the world several times over. This is the system that has actually used horrendous nuclear and chemical weapons against people.
Nowhere in socialist theory is use of force viewed as a necessary component of workers' revolution.
Capitalism is a world system and the workers' socialist movement must also be organised on a global scale, a body uniting the workers' global struggle for socialism.
Monday, August 12, 2013
Food for thought
Though some countries are getting too much water with flooding caused by global warming, in Egypt the government is worried they may not get enough. Their concern is caused by Ethiopia's proposed construction of the $42 billion Grand Renaissance dam that might reduce the amount of water in the Nile. The Egyptian government said, "Egypt will never surrender its right to Nile water and all options to safeguard it are being considered." Younis Makhyoun, the
leader of the Islamist party said that Egypt should back rebels in Ethiopia or, as a last resort, destroy the dam. Whatever the outcome, it will not be good and underlines the primitive division of the earth into competing countries under our current system. A socialist world would manage resources for the benefit of everyone using the best scientific and common sense paradigms. John Ayers.
leader of the Islamist party said that Egypt should back rebels in Ethiopia or, as a last resort, destroy the dam. Whatever the outcome, it will not be good and underlines the primitive division of the earth into competing countries under our current system. A socialist world would manage resources for the benefit of everyone using the best scientific and common sense paradigms. John Ayers.
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Paternalism is a common attitude among well-meaning social reformers. Stemming from the root pater, or father, paternalism implies a patria...