Fighting for the world’s disinherited

The most important principle in socialism contained in the concept that the emancipation of the workers is the task of the workers themselves. The Socialist Party’s idea of politics boil down to this fundamental approach– to teach the working class to rely upon itself, upon its own organization and upon its own ideas, to maintain within the workers’ movement the need for democracy and never to submit to a leadership nor subordinate itself to the interests of another class.  There is no without the working class, without the working class revolution, without the working class in power, without the working class having been lifted to “political supremacy” (as Marx called it) to their “victory of democracy” (as Marx also calls it). No socialism without socialists. We regret that many who assume the name “socialist” fail to abide by such principles. That is what we build the fight for the socialist future on. That is what we’re unshakably committed to. But directly ask the so-called “socialists” if they believe that the working class can ever rule society and usher in a classless socialist regime? Ask if they believe that the working class has that capacity to do so? Not one of them, if honest, will agree because they accept that the working class will always be oppressed and exploited by someone or another. These intellectuals and academics cannot accept the idea that the workers can free themselves but require to be led by their superiors.

Socialists cannot imagine living as free men and women while others are unfree. Socialists understand that without resisting the capitalist system, there is no life worth living – for socialists the struggle against exploitation and social inequity is the essence of life. It is indispensable to the self-realisation of humanity and therefore to the attainment of his or her own dignity. Convinced internationalists as we socialists that we declare there is no cause of quarrel between the workers of the world that the working class has no country to fight for and that the only thing that matters is the class war and our eagerness to fight that particular war to a finish, the nationalist divisions appear alien and puerile to us. We say that the interests of the capitalist class and those of the working class are diametrically opposed to each other. To Marx, the workers when they become socialists do not become different from the rest of the working class. Their change in thought is an evidence of gradual transformation in the working-class movement. They remain of the workers, struggling with them for emancipation. The Socialist Party of to-day cannot bring socialism. The co-operative commonwealth will be inaugurated by the mass action of the workers. To assert the contrary is a denial of the cardinal principle of socialism – “That the emancipation of the working classes must be conquered by the working classes themselves.”

Circumstances compel workers to move along the road towards socialism. Economic laws operate whether they are known or not, but if we understand their operation we can bend them to our purpose and assist fellow-workers on the course they travel. As the Socialist Party, we must bring this knowledge to the workers. Whenever the power of the ruling class asserts itself, then the workers must fight. The State is the political expression of the dominant class, and since that dominant class uses the machinery of the State—law, justice, force—to maintain its own privileges and to impose its will upon the labouring mass, the workers contest their claims by political action. The distinction between political and industrial action is false; they are the two poles of the same movement. All socialists are agreed that their object is the social and economic freedom for all, through the social ownership and control of all the material means of production and existence. They must all agree upon this in order to be socialists. Those who do not so believe are not socialists, whatever they may say to the contrary notwithstanding. General agreement on the object, however, by no means presupposes universal agreement on policy of how to implement socialist ideals and there are wide differences. They are matters to discuss, to argue out, to confer about, and, so far as the practical work of the moment goes, to come to an agreement upon. It is for such purposes that our own party holds its annual conferences.

Anti-Parliamentarians have been disappointed with the meagre results of electoral activity and political action. The function of a Socialist Party is not simply to elect members to Parliament to act as “statesmen” to co-operate with bourgeois politicians in carrying small pettifogging measures of reform.  Political action is not to be despised, nor is any other that will help to break down the domination of the master class and hasten the emancipation of the proletariat. It will be time enough to forswear political action when the master class no longer strive to retain their mastery over the political machine. The Socialist Party’s primary function is to organise a political party, independent, class-conscious, proletarian and socialist. The function of industrial organisation lies with the trade unions. These two functions are not absolutely distinct and separate, they are co-ordinated, and to some extent interdependent. Yet they are not identical. The trade unions can help us, we can help them. The object of a Socialist Party is the realisation of socialism. The object of a trade union is to make the best of existing conditions and to gain the best terms for its members.

Socialists point out the economic basis upon which democracy must stand in order to achieve liberty. It proclaims all liberty to rest back upon economic liberty, and all individuality to be rooted in economic unity. It affirms that there can be no liberty save through association; no true commonwealth save a cooperative commonwealth. It makes clear that democracy in the state is but a fiction unless it is realised through democracy in production and distribution. Socialists offer history as the proof that there can be no individual liberty or social harmony in a competitive struggle which makes every person battle for economic sustenance. The Socialist Party present ourself as an uncompromising and yet harmonious organisation that shall command their enthusiasm and their support. We must give what is asked of us, or perish as a present-day movement. If we stand for the unity of human interests, we must prove our sincerity by uniting. If we stand for brotherhood, we must act like brothers, and not like the so-called Christians who call one another brother and then proceed to devour one another. If we stand for the cooperative commonwealth, then let us begin to cooperate among ourselves. Let us give trust, and we shall receive trust. Let us show confidence in one another, and we shall receive confidence. Divided by strife and suspicion, we fail the world’s disinherited. United by patience, by goodwill and brave comradeship, we shall conquer the world and make it a fit place for free men and women  to live in.

Yet we will let no person take from us one jot or iota of the principles upon which socialism bases itself. Socialism needs no religion imposed upon it from without, and the less it has of such the safer it will be its course. But it does need to be shot through with that spirit of passion without which no great movement ever prevails. Only a factional and divided socialist movement can defeat socialism. There is no power in capitalism that can prevent the consummation of a united and harmonious socialist movement in the cooperative commonwealth.