Turning
aside from the horrors of the present, people are thinking about the
possibility of another world. Socialists welcome this interest, but
are alive to its dangers. It is so easy for those workers who are not
experienced in political and economic questions to be taken in by
proposals that are useless or worse than useless, and what is at once
obvious to the Socialist Party in all these proposals is that none of
them are even fresh—all have been tried before and found wanting.
Capitalism,
with its private ownership of the means of life, its rent, interest
and profit, its buying and selling, and its system of wage-labour has
been abundantly proved to be a wasteful, callous, and out-of-date
form of social organisation? Only socialism can meet the needs of our
age and abolish once and for all poverty and war and the other
products of capitalism? If this is true, and it is, then anything
other than socialism is not what is needed. There is no half-way
house. If the world does not go over to socialism it will remain
under capitalism.
Socialism
involves the abolition of capitalism. It involves the abolition,
therefore, of the roots of capitalism, i.e., wage-labour and capital.
Inside socialism there can be no wages-system, no finance, no
investments. In Socialist society the means of production—land,
factories, railways, and so on— will belong to all society; all its
able-bodied members will take an active part in production and each
and every one will have free access to the means of life.
As
Marx and all socialist thinkers have emphasised, socialism will only
be achieved by a working class that knows what it is about, that
wants s and that organises politically to capture the State machine
in order to introduce it democratically.
For
the workers who are concerned with the real problem of their
emancipation and the building of a different and better social
system, the only sure line is to give up trusting and hoping in the
temporary convulsions of the political Jekylls and Hydes.
The
Socialist Party supports trade union
organisation; so does the Labour Party. Yet there is a world of
difference between the two attitudes. On the political field the
Socialist Party does not deny that a particular piece of legislation
may, for a time, relieve extreme hardship to workers affected by some
outrageous failure of the capitalist system; yet the Socialist Party
logically and consistently opposes reformism, the policy of building
up a political party on a programme of demands for legislation to
relieve all the separate evils. The
trade unionist, for the most part, and the advocate of reform, takes
capitalism for granted. His aim is to improve wages or to help the
old-age pensioner, or reduce the special hardship of the low-wage
earner who has a large family. For him capitalism, the wages system
and the comprehensive, problem of poverty are things in which he is
only remotely interested, if at all.
hat
does not mean that the trade unionist or the reformer is satisfied
with the results of his efforts. He sees that they are not achieving
what he wants, but he does not know why. He is usually able to lay
the blame on other shoulders than his own. He blames the non-union
member, the apathetic, the members of other Unions, or the advocates
of other reforms. He asks why all the workers cannot get together and
act unitedly; but what he really means is, why will not other workers
forget their sectional interest and pet reform and back me up in my
sectional interest and the reform which, for the moment, seems to me
to be the really vital one. He does not see that trade unionism and
reformism have the limitation that they encourage and provoke
sectional activity and all the friction arising from it. The skilled
craftsman necessarily gets into the habit of mind of trying to
enlarge what he calls the “value” of his work against that of the
unskilled or semi-skilled grades. The woman worker asking for “equal
pay for men and women” is always in danger of blaming male workers
for her plight, and, like the craftsman, is equally indifferent to
the problems of other groups of workers.
The
question for the workers is what to do about it. For the
non-socialist it will be another effort to build up what war has
destroyed. For the socialist the question is not whether capitalism
can be reformed, can wages keep up with prices, can pensions be
increased, but how to end the capitalist system of society. With the
replacement of capitalism by socialism, the problem becomes how to
handle the economic problems of a system based on common ownership
and democratic control of the means of production and distribution.
Production being then solely for use there are no profits, interest
or rents to be considered, no problems of prices or wages, no
insurance or old-age pensions or worker’s compensation. All members
of society will be provided for as a matter of course, not in
accordance with the present absurd system based on piecemeal
legislation for each particular sub-division of poverty.
Mankind’s
efforts will be given a new direction, helped on by the vast release
of thought and energy.
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