"Without a
vision, the people perish" - Book
of Proverbs
“Socialism” has been a word which has been something of an
empty container into which a wide variety of conflicting ideas can be poured.
So we shall be clear upon our meaning - socialism is based on voluntary
co-operation rather than state ownership. Many say socialism is dead. As proof,
they point to the failure of the Soviet Union. But in Marx's view undeveloped
countries like czarist Russia with a minority working class were in no position
to lead what has to be a global change from an interdependent world market to
socialism "as the act of the dominant peoples 'all at once' and
simultaneously" as he put it in the German Ideology. If anything the Bolshevik
failure proved Marx right! Marx envisioned not government control of the means
of production but control by the working class and democratic planning not by
bureaucrats but "by the associated producers." So Marx's own vision
of socialism was not proved a failure by the demise of the USSR because it was
not tested. Nevertheless, contrary to Marx’s expectations capitalism is still fully
alive. The rich get richer and the poor poorer, we are all pitted against each
other, millions are killed each year by poverty, war and environmental degradation.
Thus, since capitalism isn't dead, neither is socialism yet. To declare socialism
finished before capitalism is over is to surrender without struggle an
essential means for opposing capitalism. Working people are positioned by
capitalism to see more and can grasp the actions of the rich and their needs creates
a strong claim on ownership of the wealth that their labour alone creates.
Workers can conceive an alternative to the current status quo. Capitalism is an
evil that calls for immediate destruction. It has no purpose beyond the
infinite accumulation of capital. We can concede that individual capitalists
are not necessarily persons of ill-will. The meanness is in the system to whose
reproduction we lend ourselves, capitalists from self-interest, workers from dire
necessity. The system is a vicious circle.
Labour and capital though antagonistic, are intimately
related. Unless joined to labour, capital produces no value; and labour,
lacking control of the means of production, cannot make what it needs to live.
The imbalance, then, is: control of the means of production by non-producers.
Lacking such control workers must sell their labour power as a commodity to
those who have such control, subjecting themselves to the latters' will during
the workday. Those controlling the means of production, seeing that they can
make more from workers' labour than it costs them, grant workers the temporary
access to the means of production they need to reproduce their labour and
themselves.
It looks like a fair exchange if we overlook the imbalance.
Yet this imbalance is signaled by workers' advance of their labour to
capitalists before receiving compensation on payday, rather than the reverse.
Once put to work, labour power soon fully compensates the capitalist for its
cost to him; but it then keeps on adding value to commodities, unpaid, for the
remainder of the workday. Workers may have access to the means of production to
make what they need, but on condition that, having done so, they continue
working, yielding up without compensation the greatest part of the value their
labour produces. Marx's name for this unpaid labour done after workers cover
their own labor costs is "surplus labour." Its product, "surplus
value," is controlled by capitalists. It is from surplus value that profit
and capital itself derives. Workers' own savings will never match the
accumulation of capital, which they create, but which the system awards to
capitalists, along with huge social power. Individual workers may conceivably become
capitalists, but the system's imbalance keeps the working class in subservience.
At the heart of the so-called "free" labour
contract is a theft effected under a life-threatening extortion. Coerced into
this contract by their need, itself due to their separation from the means of
production, workers get paid a mere portion of the value they produce in order
to reproduce their labour power, hence their lives. They are paid this portion
only if they work unpaid for a larger part of the workday. Should they decline
surplus labour they will not be allowed enough access to the means of production
to do even the labour needed to live. Trade unions may negotiate compensation
only for this latter amount of labour. Surplus value is off limits. Marxists
call the ratio of what labour costs capitalists to what it produces for them as
surplus value, the rate of exploitation. It is often euphemistically called the
rate of productivity. Surplus labour is extracted involuntarily since workers
would not willingly hand over control of their earnings to others were they not
compelled to do so by their separation from the means of production. This
imbalance in capital's reproduction thus allows control of the lion's share of
the extorted value to be controlled by the representatives of capital. Under
cover of equal exchange, this is an exploitation of humans by other humans that
is not made more just by being pervasive and normal in the process of capital
accumulation. Chattel slavery was once normal.
It will not do to say capitalists are entitled to profit
because of their entrepreneurial insight, managerial skill, innovation, risk-taking,
etc. These are not unique to capitalists. Persons with these abilities may
extract profit from others' labour only if they also own or control the
means of production. Many so endowed who lack such control are excluded from
profits. Ownership (or control) not skill or talent is the key. Under
capitalism all one needs for full entitlement to luxury is enough ownership of
the means of production. Nor is providing capital itself a contribution that
merits profits. Phoning one's stock-broker is not a productive activity or
contribution. "Providing capital" is indeed widely accepted as a
productive contribution, but this assumes such entitlement is just, and
provides no proof. In the end it matters little if capital's personifications lack
justification for exercising power in its name. They control it (and
it them); they give orders in its behalf; the police and courts back
them up in a power structure with capital at the top. That is the way it is.
Some advocate the solution to exploitation is the creation
of workers’ co-operatives and they are heralded as political radicals although
such enterprises have been in existence for centuries. Selling one's labour
power always means subjecting oneself to domination. Co-operatives can be
labeled "masterless slavery" to adapt a term from Max Weber. The
fundamental basis of socialism is at the end of the long chain of exploitation
the workers have no alternative but to fight back. It is the working class that
acts, not the revolutionary political party independently of the class. It may
prepare the ground for that action by education and agitation, try to support
and strengthen that action when it arrives, unite the diverse sections of the
class. From each according to ability to contribute; to each according to
needs. That is the best principle that can guide the life of our society today.
The Socialist Party promotes universal cooperation for the
common good. We aim to replace the present capitalist system, with its inherent
injustice and inhumanity, by a social system from which the domination and
exploitation of one class by another will be eliminated, in which economic
planning will supersede chaotic competition, and in which genuine democratic
self-government, based upon economic equality will be possible. We do not aim
for a society where individuality will be crushed out by a system of
regimentation. What we seek is a proper collective organisation of our economic
resources such as will make possible a much greater degree of leisure and a
much richer individual life for every citizen. Socialism is not freedom for
labour, but the freedom from labour and the use of machinery and technology to
make it increasingly possible to bring to mankind freedom of life, freedom for
artistic and intellectual activity, freedom for leisure and enjoyment. We do
not believe in change by violence. The Socialist Party does not rest until it
has eradicated capitalism and put fully into operation the establishment of the
cooperative commonwealth.
No comments:
Post a Comment