The likelihood of achieving socialism in the next decade or two is remote; and many of us (albeit very reluctantly) accept that the fundamental changes we are working for will not come about in our lifetimes. The missing factor seems to be the absence of socialist consciousness which can create the revolutionary desire for change.
Socialists hate capitalism with our heads and with our hearts, that is, on rational, theoretical, but also on emotional grounds, because we see in it an out-dated social system, an anomaly, holding back those wonderful developments of technology and material resources that our knowledge could turn to providing the well-being of the people. We see in it a social system that carries within itself slumps and wars, poverty amidst plenty, oppression and repression. Socialists want to end it as soon as possible. We aim at replacing the present capitalist system by socialism, understood as a system where there will be social ownership of the means of production and distribution. We envisage socialism as a society where material wealth will be in the hands of those who produce it, where the exploitation of man by man will be ended, where production will be used not for private profit, where a new relationship of fraternity will develop between people and where individual men and women will find totally new possibilities to develop their capacities. A revolution means a change in political power and social relations; it does not necessarily mean a violent bloody insurrection. Our aim therefore is a peaceful transition to socialism : though we have always made it clear that an aim is not a guarantee and that the form of the transition to socialism does not depend on the working people alone. We do not stand for violence, but if violence should be used by the old ruling class against the people, then the people themselves will, with all legality behind them, have to find appropriate methods to deal with it.
As much as any other social group, Left intellectuals are subject to myth and mystification concerning their political beliefs; and nothing is more striking than the romantic illusions which have enveloped so much of the left-wing. Some political activists seem to expect that there will be a massive spontaneous uprising of workers in protest against the cumulative burdens being imposed upon them to accommodate capitalism’s way out of its crisis. Unfortunately, this is only wishful thinking. It is not that spontaneous protests will not occur, or that militancy will not spread. That may well be possible. Certainly, when workers are in protest and resistance affords better opportunities for the educational work of Marxists than in times of social ‘peace’. Taking comfort in prophecies of workers’ rebellion is a trap just as much as taking comfort in the evidence that capitalism is in its final crisis. In both cases, capitalist solutions will prevail unless and until the working class is prepared to cope with the situation effectively. Before it can do so, the working class must understand its interest as a class and be class-conscious united. It is fundamental that we do everything possible to promote the growth of class consciousness, unity and a sense within the working class of its own power. No one can offer a blue-print of the future but it should go without saying there must be discussion and exploration. The enemy is capitalism. To defeat capitalism we need all our resources, and the issue of the labour moment is how best to bring them together in unity for the common struggle.
It is no easy task under the conditions of today to build a socialist movement without illusions, that is able to confront the gritty facts of social and political life without falling into despair and cynicism. Only a proof of a practical viable alternative will convince large numbers of people of the possibilities of supplanting capitalism. Socialists have always recognised their obligation to give support to strikes and other industrial struggles. Such an obligation is of a two-fold character: to defend the immediate economic interests of our class and to promote class and socialist consciousness. The second half of this proposition is something that a serious socialist is always careful that its efforts to aid a given strike do not in fact become an obstacle to it and socialists proceed with good judgment and common sense. The workers show very good acumen in rejecting the many messiahs who come along with all the answers. They have assimilated the lesson that the trade unions is a valuable weapon in their fight against the employers, in that these organisations deliver some of the goods. This is why they are reluctant to abandon their organisations just because some group of individuals tells them to do so – no matter how learned these intellectuals might be.
No point in the Socialist philosophy arouses such controversy as that of the “class-struggle” and “class-consciousness.”
Marx said many years ago that strikes cannot be interpreted in terms of how little or how much is won economically, but that there is also a political character to them. They are resistances to life in this society. Some battles are won, some are lost, but all can be learned from. In a capitalist society, more are lost than are won. Occasionally, workers win great victories; more often, they suffer great defeats. Still more often, there are modest victories and modest defeats.
In German Ideology Marx wrote that a revolution is necessary, not only because bourgeois society cannot be over-thrown in any other way, but because without it, human beings cannot be transformed to create the kind of society that a future society can be. You do not create revolutionaries and then make a revolution. You make a revolution and that, in his phrase, gets rid of all the crap of centuries. And short of the revolution, you cannot get rid of that crap. If, in order for a revolution to take place, one first had to get rid of the racism, sexism, and other forms of bigotry and division that are endemic in capitalist society, then the possibility of revolution does not exist.
Many understand working-class activity on the idea that consciousness leads to, or causes, action. It is just as valid to say that action leads to consciousness, But much more likely is that activity and consciousness interact in ways that are rarely predictable.
When workers in one department of a plant walk out to protest some grievance, their objectives are usually quite limited. But if that walkout triggers the shutdown of the entire plant, working people are then likely to raise their sights. They have learned, through their activity, that their grievance (and, presumably, other grievances) is shared by fellow workers throughout the plant. They have also learned that not only are their grievances shared but their power is also shared and is made more substantial by being shared. Suppose that a strike at one plant triggers strikes, either at other plants of the same corporation or at other workplaces in the same city. Suddenly, what began as a simple departmental walkout has become a general strike and has attained a whole new political dimension, requiring decisions by workers or strike committees on such questions as what production should be allowed and what should be stopped, how to ensure public order, how to deal with government attempts to break the strike, and so on. Under those circumstances it is only natural that workers, made more and more aware of their own power, also find that deeply held grievances and long hidden desires rise to the surface and become expressed in ways that would have been unthinkable before the actual struggle had begun.
The conclusion, of course, is that as long as the workplace is a place of continual struggle and conflict, then massive social explosions are always possible. Not inevitable, not limited to this or that country, but possible anywhere in the industrial world.
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