Reformers want to use the electoral process as a means of
gathering as many votes as possible. Reform manifestos display the small
changes advocated as attractively as possible, with little concern for
educating the voters. Priority is given to winning elections and electing
leaders. Reforms are to be pursued today, tomorrow the revolution - and
tomorrow never comes. The Socialist Party is also prepared to use the electoral
process, but with a view to challenging capitalist control of political power.
The first task is to educate people and make socialists. The success of
socialist candidates will measure the extent to which this activity achieves
its aim. The Socialist Party no stake in how capitalism is run. Socialists are
opposed to capitalism however it is organised. We do not enter into the debate
about whether free market capitalism is better or worse than nationalisation. We
oppose the profit system in all its forms and work only for its replacement by
socialism.
The nature and meaning of democracy in society has become a
topic of major interest in the media. People are repeatedly reminded that the
‘war on terror’ is being waged to defend ‘our’ democratic rights and freedoms.
Although parliamentary government still operates to protect property, the concessions
that have been won in capitalist democracy are important and of value to
working people. Rights to organise politically, express dissension and combine
in trade unions, for example, are valuable not only as a defence against
capitalism, but from a socialist viewpoint are a platform from which socialist
understanding can spread, while the right to vote the means by which socialism
will be achieved. At the same time we must recognise that genuine democracy is
more than these freedoms and the right to vote. Whilst ‘one person one vote’ is
an essential ingredient of democratic society, democracy implies much more than
the simple right to choose between representative of political parties every
five years. Today exercising our democratic right to vote for a conventional
political party does not effect change. It amounts to little more than making a
selection between rival representatives of power and class interest whose
overarching function is to protect private property and make profits flow. It
is representative government where all the representatives support obedience to
the capitalist system.
Clearly, ‘democracy’ under capitalism is different from the
generally accepted meaning of the word as a situation where ordinary people
make the decisions that shape their lives, frequently summarised as being the
‘rule of the people.’ But democracy is not simply about ‘who’ makes decisions
or ‘how’ the decisions are to be made. It is an expression of the social
relations in society. If democracy means that all have equal opportunity to be
heard, then this not only implies political equality but also economic
equality. It further presupposes that people have individual freedom. A genuine
democracy is therefore one where people are free and equal, actively participating,
without leaders, in co-operative discussion to reach common agreement on all
matters relating to their collective as well as individual requirements. A
genuine democracy complements equality and freedom and is therefore
incompatible with capitalism. In capitalist democracy freedom has become a
commodity strictly limited to the amount that can be purchased by a given wage
or salary. In the workplace our ‘work’ organised under a strict division of
labour is often tedious and repetitive; we have become an appendage to a
machine or computer in industry organised on a strictly ‘top-down’ chain of
authority – more fitting to a tyranny. This is what freedom means under
capitalism.
The realisation that genuine democracy cannot exist in
capitalist society does not alter the fact that the elbow room already secured
by struggle can be turned against our masters. The right to vote, for instance,
can become a powerful instrument to end our servitude and to achieve genuine
democracy and freedom. Working people with an understanding of socialism can
utilise their vote to signify that the overwhelming majority demand change and
to bring about social revolution. For while democracy cannot exist outside of
socialism, socialism cannot be achieved without the overwhelming majority of
working people demanding it. Today, we must view with suspicion attempts to
further restrict or limit our legal rights by carefully considering the motives
that lie behind such moves. For we need to use these rights to organise and
spread socialist understanding so a socialist majority can capture political
power, end capitalism and establish socialism. Only then will we have genuine
freedom and a genuine democracy.
Talk of a "complete change" in the basis of
society is what is rejected by campaigning activists. This wasn't always the
case. In the not-so-distant past both the Labour Party (and then the Green
Party) did talk in terms of changing society True, this was only as a long-term
prospect, but the idea of an alternative society was there. Now this has gone
and those of us who are left proposing this are denounced as
"unrealistic" for continuing to advocate a "big solution"
when supposedly there is none. Let's suppose for a moment that there isn't.
What would that mean? It would mean that we'd have to continue with what we've
got—capitalism and try to make the best of it, as individuals and as sectional
interests. Political parties have already become rival groups of professional
politicians with virtually identical policies and certainly identical
practices, offering themselves as the best managers of the system. So it would
mean that politics would be reduced to pressure group politics as different
sections of the population tried to persuade governments—whichever the party in
power—to make changes in their particular sectional interest or, in the case of
campaigning charities, of the disadvantaged group they have chosen to champion.
Political action would consist of lobbying, backed up from time to time by
direct action, for reforms in the sectional interest of some group.
This is not an attractive prospect but it is one that is,
somewhat surprisingly, championed by a number of people who are severely
critical of capitalism. What they like is the idea of "direct action"
as such. This, they think, is the way to get improvements; electoral action via
local councils and parliament, they say, doesn't get you anywhere. But
"direct action" is merely a method, a tactic, not an end in itself
and can in fact be employed for different ends. In the present political
context it is being advocated as a better way to get reforms than elections.
May be it is, but maybe it isn't. One powerful argument as to why it might not
be has just been demonstrated: those with the biggest vehicles can reclaim the
streets more effectively than those without. In other words, with
direct-actionist, pressure group politics, those who can exert the most
pressure will tend to come off best, and it is the more powerful who can
generally exert the most pressure.
Those who concentrate on trying to obtain reforms within
capitalism—whether by direct action or through the electoral process—are on the
wrong track. What is needed is precisely what most of them refuse—and in fact
have consciously rejected doing—and that is raising the issue of an alternative
society as the only framework within which the problems for which they are
seeking short-term relief can be solved.
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