The 19thC German socialist Wilhelm Liebknecht wrote of parliaments
“…Although the
principle of representation cannot be altogether abandoned, it should however
be reduced to a strictly indispensable minimum, in particular, the legislative
and government functions should be exercised by committees and not by
parliament, where, as every experienced person knows, debates are not serious
deliberations but mere theatrical performances. Even today the major work of
the Reichstag has to be done in committees.
Committees elected by
the people for specified purposes, which can meet whenever common interests are
involved, and which have to submit to plebiscite all laws before they come into
force; the people possessing not only the right to reject, but also the right
to introduce legislation; in addition, complete freedom of the press and of
assembly, and a government which has no power to wield against the people –
this is, in rough outline, my idea of the future mode of legislation and
government – so long as it may still be possible to call it government at all.”
From the day of its foundation the Socialist Party of Great
Britain has struggled consistently to utilise every opportunity provided by the
parliamentary system in Britain to further the struggle for socialism, and to
voice case for socialism. However, at the present time, the very electoral
system itself, based upon the deposit system and the electoral machinery of the
capitalist parties in each constituency, make it extremely difficult for a
party to even put up a candidate. We need new ways of thinking and new ways of
organising yet those who talk of ‘new ideas’ and ‘new methods of organising’
embrace ideas and methods easily as old as those they criticise. The class war
is a war, with our class enemy continually trying to take advantage of weak
points in our side, to encourage division and fragmentation. In order to
preserve its power the dominant class is ready to make temporary concessions.
It knows how to wait for the ebbing of the movement so as to take with one hand
what it had to concede with the other. There are ways of clarifying ideas and
developing organisation to coordinate struggle. We do not stand in awe of the
“sacred writings,” defending “scripture” at all costs against experience. The
struggle for socialism is within a human context not “holy writ”.
Every election is fought on one or two main issues, and on
these alone but once the mandate has been given on that one or two questions
politicians arrogates to themselves the right to rule and decide on every issue
without the slightest reference to the wishes of the electorate. If a political
leader chooses to act in a manner contrary to the wishes of his electors in a
dozen other questions, the voters have no redress except to wait for another
election to give them the opportunity to return some other gentleman under
similar conditions and with similar opportunities of evil-doing. True democracy
within capitalism is in short supply. This worn-out and corrupt system offers
no promise of improvement and adaptation. There is no silver lining to the dark
clouds of despair. This system offers only a perpetual struggle for slight
relief within wage slavery. It is blind to the possibility of establishing an
industrial democracy, wherein there shall be no wage slavery. Capitalism gives
to the people the right to choose their master, a voice in the selection of
their ruler. Yet the fundamental feature that goes unquestioned is the
continued subjection to a ruling class once the choice of the personnel of the
rulers is made. The freedom the socialist seeks is to change the choice of
rulers which we have to-day into the choice of administrators of decisions
voted upon directly by the people; and will also substitute for the choice of
masters (capitalists) the appointment of reliable delegates under direct
democratic control. That will mean true democracy – real social democracy.
A world movement must be founded on the class struggle,
based upon the recognition of the irrepressible conflict between the capitalist
class and the working class. All intelligent workers realize the capitalist
system fails to supply the needs of the vast majority of the human race, and
that it must be overthrown before the people can have freedom. It is time for
the workers of the World to learn their own power and use it for their own
benefit. Unorganized they are a helpless mob to be exploited by capitalists,
betrayed by politicians, and bludgeoned by the police. Organized under the
banner of socialism they become a coordinated force to press forward to the
goal of freedom.
Our “party line” put forward is – ‘Spoil your ballot and
organize for socialism. This is no plea for apathy or political somnolence. It
is a slogan which requires a vigorous campaign to explain the full and correct
political significance of such an act.
Instead of slavishly scapegoating fellow workers, we should
get up off our knees, be making common cause with workers of all lands to
remove this iniquitous system of capitalism. Capitalism and its inevitable concomitants
of war, poverty, and planetary despoliation is well past its sell-by date. Time
to establish a post-capitalist production for use, free access world for all of
the world’s people. This is no Utopia either. It is an immediate and practical
proposition and has been since the start of the 20th century never mind this
one. It only requires a majority to opt for it and no force will stop it.
Capitalisms usefulness is well past is sell by date hence the two world wars of
last century as in ruling class, rivalry sought to assert territorial claims
over each other’s markets, raw materials and trade routes. What is Utopian is
the notion that capitalism can be reformed, tamed of its aggression and made
more egalitarian.
We need new ways of thinking and new ways of organising yet those
who talk of ‘new ideas’ and ‘new methods of organising’ embrace ideas and
methods easily as old as those they criticise. The trouble with “revolutionary”
vanguardists is that they, either, think in terms of some foreign country, or “activists”
who never have had any actual connection with the labour movement and know
nothing about working class. They try to shape the workers to fit their
theories, instead of fitting their theories to the workers. The reason that the
vanguardists hate the ballot box is because they know they are the minority and
have not the patience to await the test of discussion and time. They don’t want
the counting of noses, because they know the count will go against them, and
because voting requires deliberation. They don’t want deliberation, they want
action and hope to carry their case on a wave of excitement. Back of all this
there always crops out the Leninist/Stalinist contempt of majority rule. They
believe themselves to be the enlightened minority. Right now they would lead us
into “mass action” and right into the capitalists’ hands.
“One man with an idea
in his head is in danger of being considered a madman: two men with the same
idea in common may be foolish, but can hardly be mad; ten men sharing an idea
begin to act, a hundred draw attention as fanatics, a thousand and society
begins to tremble, a hundred thousand and there is war abroad, and the cause
has victories tangible and real; and why only a hundred thousand? Why not a
hundred million and peace upon the earth? You and I who agree together, it is
we who have to answer that question.” William
Morris
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