A New Politics is Needed

The capitalist class have no thought for the future; with eyes only for immediate plunder and with their dreams of avarice they plunged into the gamble of casino capitalism. They build up recklessly and without plan. They always assume that their winnings will continue for ever. Any attempt to organise the growing productive power to meet human needs is a question which does not even enter into their heads; it cannot arise within the conditions of capitalism.

Millions seek employment in vain, and have to struggle to exist on a grudged and bare subsistence rate of the minimum wage. The wages of the other workers who are still able to keep their jobs are cut and cut again; exploitation is increased. The parasitic burdens of capitalism grow ever greater. The attacks of capitalism, to maintain its profits, grow ever more sweeping and ferocious, ranging over every field, against both employed and unemployed, against working conditions and social services, for new forms of intensified labour to drive down the workers. All the capitalist parties, Conservative, Liberal Democrats and Labour, speak of new policies of this, that and the other to improve the economy. They appeal to the workers to make sacrifices in order to do this. They imagine that if only business  organisation and production techniques can be  could be modernised and improved all will be well. Do not imagine that the crisis is to be solved by some form of re-organisation of capitalism. Not only do these so-called remedies fail to deal with the root of the problem capitalism, they often worsen the situation.

The capitalists  can only look for the solution in fiercer competition, in reducing their own production costs, in cutting wages against their competitors, in increasing their own competitive edge, in fighting to enlarge their own share of the market. But these measures are pursued by every other capitalists in every other country. Although one set or another set may gain a temporary advantage for a short time. Within the conditions of the capitalist system there is no harmonious solution possible.

The crisis is not a crisis of natural scarcity or shortage. Goods of all kinds are stocked high. The power of producing wealth is greater than ever. Millions of workers are willing and able to work; but existing society has no use for their labour. The crisis is a crisis of capitalism alone.This position cannot last. The battle between the workers’ needs and capitalism grows ever fiercer. It can only end in revolution. The basis of reformism, palliative measures to amerorate the misery of people can no longer be conceded by the ruling class The Welfare State is ended. The only path before workers is revolution.

The so-called Left proclaim their “opposition” to the Labour Party policy and to advocate so-called “socialist” alternatives. But on examination their policy will be found to be only the old policy of the traditional Labour Party dressed up in new clothes. Many on the Left urge that if only employers would pay higher wages to the workers, enabling them to buy more of what they produce, there would be no crisis. This is economic nonsense, which ignores the inevitable laws of capitalism — the drive for profits, and the drive of competition. The drive of capitalism is always to increase its profits by every possible means, to increase its surplus, not to decrease it. Individual capitalists may talk of the benefits of high wages but always for the other employer’s workforce in the hope of securing a larger market for their goods. But the actual drive of capitalist class as a whole is the opposite. The force of competition compels every capitalist to cheapen costs of production, to extract more output per worker for less return, to cut wages. The most the capitalists can do is to wait amid the general misery until the universal stagnation, destruction and stoppage of production has produced such a vacuum that a feeble “demand” will again arise, beginning a new trade cycle, and leading to a new and greater crisis. Although they speak of “anti-capitalism,” they do not propose the overthrow of capitalism and the expropriation of the capitalists. Their basis is still the same basis of capitalism, of the capitalist State. Their only proposals are for the reorganisation of capitalism by a system of regulatory control boards, by which they promise a minimum wage for the workers. But in fact, capitalist reorganisation in the present recession can only, if the capitalist burdens are maintained, be at the expense of the workers.

 Those on the Right such as UKIP want  to “protect” home industry and native workers and thus secure more employment and better conditions for the workers. Capitalist prosperity is to be built up anew in Britain,  fenced-in or “insulated” against the EU and the world. It endeavours to appeal to the workers with promises of immigration curbs. This is lying deception. The enemies against which indigenous workers needs to be “protected” are the capitalist exploiting bloodsuckers, who are intent upon making better conditions for the working class impossible.

Many workers in the past have placed their hopes in the Labour Party to bring the solution. People have recognised the urgent need of social change; the Labour Party spoke of social reform, and at times even of socialism, and promised to realise it. Swift disillusionment always followed each time a Labour Party was elected. Always their Third Way is the Old Way. The condition of the workers didn’t improve and  there is no sign of the advance to socialism. The Labour Governments merely continued to act as a representative of capitalism against the workers. This was not a question of a lack of personal integrity a personal question (although there were many cases of such). It is a whole system of reformist politics —  the supposed “alternative” to revolution — that stands exposed in the record of the Labour Governments. The Labour Party cannot act other than it has acted, does act and will continue to act, as the representative of capitalism — because its basis is capitalism.

 Many sincere political activists profess the aim of socialism as an ideal for the future. They hope to reach their aim without the necessity of overthrowing capitalism, but on a basis of co-operation with capitalism, on a basis of winning for the workers gradual gains within capitalism, on acceptance of the capitalist State, on administering capitalism the best way they can, helping to bolster their national capitalists. This they term the “practical” policy for the working class to follow. What has been the outcome of this approach? Certainly there were gains for the workers, some unquestionably substantial such as a “free” health service and education system. But this has ended. Capitalism to-day is no longer willing to grant concessions to the workers. On the contrary, it finds itself compelled to take away existing entitlements and to impose more stringent conditions. The servants of capitalism still posture as reformers  although their role is now to assist capitalism to attack the workers, to enforce wage-cuts, to suppress workers’ resistance -  all in the name of “practical” politics. Workers should neve  bind their organisations, the trade unions, to capitalism and to the capitalist state, in the shape affiliation to the Labour Party. In elections union members who voted for the Labour Party have abstained with discontent widespread. Millions of workers are turning from the Labour Party and seeking a new direction and sadly not always a positive path. The only way forward is the path of struggle against capitalism, the path that leads to the social revolution, to socialism.

 Only real socialism can bring the solution. Only by ending capitalist property rights and organise production to meet human needs can production be organised in common for all, and every increase in production bring increasing abundance and leisure for all. This is the aim of the working-class revolution. Only the organised working-class can fight and destroy the power of the capitalist class, care drive the capitalists from possession, can organise social production.

“But these inventions and discoveries, which supersede each other at an ever-increasing pace, this productiveness of human labour, which increases day by day at a hitherto unheard of rate, finally creates a conflict, in which the present capitalist system must fall to pieces. On the one side, immeasurable wealth and a surplus of products which the purchasers cannot control. On the other, the great mass of society proletarised, turned into wage workers, and just on that account become incapable of taking possession of that surplus of products. The division of society into a small over-rich class and a large propertyless working-class, causes this society to suffocate in its own surplus, while the great mass of its members is scarcely, or, indeed, not at all, protected from extreme want. Such a condition of things becomes daily more absurd and unnecessary. It can be abolished; it must be abolished. A new social order is possible, wherein the class differences of to-day will have disappeared, and wherein — perhaps, after a short transitional period, of materially rather straitened circumstances, maybe, but morally of great value-through the systematic use and development of the enormous productive forces already in existence (with equal obligation upon all to work), the means of life, of enjoying life, and of developing all the physical and mental capabilities, will be at the equal disposal of all in ever-increasing fullness.” (Engels: Introduction to Marx “Wage-Labour and Capital,” 1891.)

What is its meaning for us?

First, all the means of production, the land, the factories, mills and mines, the system of transport and the methods of distribution, are the collective property of the community. The class of social leeches of employers and landlords no longer exist. Through their own elected workers councils the actual producers control the process of work and its administration but the product of labour belongs to us all. The workers are free to organise production for the needs of the consumer rather than the pockets of the capitalist. There is no longer the capitalist anarchy of production by competing businesses for an unknown market, with the consequent gluts and slumps. Instead, a socialist society is able to determine how much steel, the amount of energy required, so much agricultural machinery to cultivate so much land with such and such crops, etc., — all planned to satisfy the wants of the people. All production is directed solely to supplying the workers’ needs. It is for use, not for profit. Therefore every expansion of production means greater abundance and leisure for all.

 We are not speaking of some utopia, but only of what is immediately and practically realisable so soon as the workers are united to overthrow capitalism and enforce their will. It is evident that, on the most immediate practical basis, and leaving out of account the enormous increase in production which will result from universal socially organised production, the workers’ rule will be able immediately, so soon as the change is achieved, to realise the most enormous advances in standards, hours, conditions of labour, social conditions, health, housing, education, cultural facilities, etc. We can immediately banish poverty. Capitalism already begrudges us a bare subsistence.

We stand shoulder to shoulder with our fellow workers against capitalist oppression. Workers can by social revolution, and by the method of social revolution alone, rapidly reconstruct society. We need to prepare for this. We need to prepare new forms of struggle.  Only by uniting all the workers in a  conscious fight for socialism, spreading throughout the working-class, throughout the factories, docks, mines, railways, drawing everybody together into the struggle and carrying it forward, in a thousand forms of mass activity, can we be assured victory over capitalism.

The Scottish Police State

Police in Scotland carry out nine times as many ‘stop and searches’ as New York police. The comparison between the Scottish and New York forces was left out of the Scottish Police Authority’s final report as it was deemed irrelevant. The Scottish police also conducted three times as many searches per 10,000 people as London police.

The figures show a 400 percent rise in searches in some parts of the country, including Fife, since the creation of the single national force in April 2013, and a spike in the number of children under the age of criminality being search illegally.

Should the future have a name?

The path to socialism is long. The task is to develop a new politics. For the up-coming generation there will be a vastly expanded terrain of initiatives to be active upon. We must construct an authentic socialist strategy, to be seen as  realistic in its objective, the transformation of capitalism into a classless society. To begin with the ends is the proper starting point for a socialism of our times. Our purpose in the Socialist Party is to sketch the reality of our goal and vision in its general characteristics. To transform capitalism, we must transform its representation of the world.The socialist perspective is no longer to be treated as an ideal for the future, but very resolutely refers to the everyday. We must dream, not in the manner of losing ourselves in fantasy, but in the way that prepares us to picture our goal, what Marx describes in the Manifesto the "real movement that supersedes the current state of things".

The terms socialism and communism  implies solidarity and collectivity. To begin with the ends is the proper starting point for a socialism of our times. Class war in the traditional sense of the term is no way obsolete. Exploitation persists, and is as ferocious as ever; the class struggle remains entirely on the political agenda. The extraordinary changes in conditions  and with the people’s relationships with them since Marx's time, far from rendering the idea of socialism superfluous, has made these ideas more contemporary than ever. Social revolution is not  seeking simply another way to regulate the market, but to move toward a post-commodity economy; not simply to prepare a better future for individuals but to make their full development an immediate object; not simply to develop democracy further, but to undertake the disappearance of the state through the appropriation of decision-making whereby humanity is beginning to have the power to decide what it will be.

Workers individually, as a class, and as part of the entire society are not moved by economics alone. Competition among workers, sectional and selfish interests, short-term favors, plus social pressure and nationalist and racial chauvinism have often diverted various groups of workers from a revolutionary role. Divide and rule, is still th rulers’ basic strategy and best tactic. A big part of keeping these workers in their place is the sex, colour and age discrimination and ethnic division tactic. This is enforced not only by the individual boss, but by the whole system.

Revolutions are made by facing problems, not by denying that they exist. Changing society is a big job and the working class is still the prime mover.  If we prove incapable defining, much less resolving, new facts and problems, or relate to new people with new ways, it can in no way further the cause of social change and revolution. There is nothing to teach unless we are first willing to learn. Action is aimless without the purposefulness which comes from understanding and knowledge.  Many political activists are wrong on a lot of things, but their contempt for distorted “socialism”  justified with its worthless programmes of cure-it-alls, with their road to socialism full of false turnings. Against this, the only weapon of the workers is their political awareness and class solidarity. What workers need is organisation with a class outlook and fighting muscle. Workers are inevitably concerned with immediate conditions – both to hold whatever they have and to make gains if they can. But petty reforms or even substantial gains of themselves to not change the system in the slightest. The only way to break through the vicious circle of reformism  is basically a mass understanding that working people cannot beat the system at its own game but must end the game and system completely. People have everything to gain in this universal struggle.

The whole society orients the worker toward competition in accumulating things, doing his job, taking orders and allotting all responsibility for major decision making to bosses and politicians. Poverty and affluence exist at the same time side by side. The existence of poverty is a spur to insure a supply of loyal and industrious labour.  It is also a source of profit for slum landlords, and sweat-shop slave-drivers. Why should the system eliminate if it could, anything so useful and indispensable? Even the better-off live in life-styles that are always fragile and subject to change. The only way to win is to fight the entire system. Since time is not unlimited, we have to start doing this now.  The waste and junk products which are poisoning our lives and our environment,  indicts one of the biggest of the crimes of capitalism. The big corporations make the profit and the environmental costs are paid mostly by the government.

No one denies that planning in a future socialist society will always be smooth-running and that no snags will ever arise. But there is no reason to suppose that they will be insurmountable. The premise of abundance, on which socialism is founded, is not utopian in the technological sense. We can assume that for many  items production will be reduced, for example, armaments, and other products’ manufacture will be increased, medical equipment, for instance.  One of the  advances brought about by capitalism is that there are now a great deal of statistical data on consumption patterns that are remarkably similar across a large sections of the population. These reveal an order of priorities common to hundreds of millions of people, over many decades. There are fundamental needs. There are secondary needs. There are also luxury needs. It finds expression in spontaneous or semi-spontaneous consumer behaviour itself. We now have the computing power to do countless calculations in determining the general pattern of what people want. We have scientific market research procedures trusted by the capitalist class itself. We have consumer feedback to judge efficiency and  highlight improvements either to the product or its distribution. There need not be any dictatorship of central planning committees. Bar-code scanning can direct us to where there are shortages on the shelves or a glut of unwanted goods.  Everything that can be done better socially should be done collectively, co-operatively and without waste and polluting by-products. There is no other socialism except democratic socialism.

People should not console themselves with illusions. The system is running on over-time to conceal the fact that we’re running out of time. What the system needs to hide is exactly what we need to expose to speed up our common liberation. We must bring socialist ideas anew to the various social movements. We must provide the theoretical tools for people to analyse their own situation. As a socialist party we have the collective responsibility to ensure that our experience, the lessons we have learned, our human and material resources, and our political convictions continue to serve the cause of socialism. We are not in a position at this juncture to predict what forms of organisation would be most appropriate to the concrete conditions which exist for the fight for socialism.  More modestly than others, we have come to see ourselves as the embryo of a future mass party.

Mucky coal and electric

Longannet power station has been named as one of the top 30 polluting power plants in the EU,  ranked 21st on the list. Longannet is the second largest coal power station in the UK, and the third largest in Europe.

The report shows the top 30 polluting power plants in the EU, ranked according to their total carbon dioxide emissions in 2013.

The UK and Germany came joint first, with nine of the dirtiest coal plants each. The nine UK power stations produced just under a third of the UK's electricity supply last year but were responsible for nearly two thirds of carbon emissions from the power sector. The UK's coal plants produce air pollution in the form of nitrogen dioxide, sulphur dioxide, particulates and mercury, which have significant negative impacts on human health and the environment. Air pollution caused by UK coal power stations is estimated to be responsible for 1,600 deaths per annum in the UK.

A Billionaire's Plan

It is always interesting to hear what our masters think we should be doing in the workplace. When that particular member of the owning class happens to be "worth" over $75 billion his views are worth noting. 'Mexican billionaire tycoon, Carlos Slim, has called for the introduction of a three-day working week, offset by longer hours and a later retirement, as a way to improve people's quality of life and create a more productive labour force. ........ He said current retirement ages come from a time of lower life expectancies, and should rise to 70 or 75.' (Guardian, 21 July) Owning a mere $75 billion you can understand why he wants "a more productive labour force" and having you toil until you are 75 years of age must seem reasonable to him. RD

Karl's Quotes

Marx described the process of globalization of production one hundred and fifty years ago and saw the direction it would take…"And instead of producing for the individual merchant or for particular customers, the weaver now produces for the entire world of commerce…Trade now becomes the servant of industrial production, for which the constant expansion of the market is a condition of its existence. An ever- increasing mass-production swamps the existing market and thus works steadily towards its expansion, braking through its barriers. What restricts this mass production is not trade (in as much as this only expresses existing demand), but rather the scale of the capital functioning and the productivity of labour so far developed. The industrial capitalist is constantly faced with the world market; he compares and must compare his own cost prices not only with domestic market prices, but with those of the whole world. Previously, this comparison was almost exclusively the task of merchants and ensured commercial capital its mastery over industrial." (Capital, volume III, pp 454/455). In other words, in order to exist, production must be constantly expanded. When capitalism consisted of small pockets of industrialization in Western Europe, expansion was indeed manageable but as the scale of capitalism covered the whole world, such expansion necessarily has great and irreversible impact on our environment, totally unnoticed by capital.

Reading Notes.

From Taylor Caldwell's "Captains and The Kings" about the American Civil War, "My dear Mr. Francis, who do you honestly believe rules the nation? The apparent rulers, or the real ones behind the scenes who manipulate a nation's finances for their own benefit? Mr. Lincoln is as helpless as you and I. He can only, unfortunate man, give his people slogans, and slogans, it would appear, are what people want. Tomorrow you will meet some of the gentry I have spoken of, most congenial and tolerant men, who have no nationalistic prejudices at all, and no allegiances even to their own countries but only to each other and their banking interests."

The Plain Brutal Fact.

On May 23rd, 150 employees of the Heinz Ketchup factory in Leamington, Ontario, were let go. At the end of June, another 350 were forced to leave. This will leave 250 working for substantially lower wages. This has come as a shock to many because the company has been there for 105 years and many have spent their whole working lives there. Ever since Warren Buffett and the Brazilian private equity firm, 3G Capital, bought Heinz in 2013, there was talk of downsizing but no one suspected how bad it would be. The plain brutal fact is that no matter how long a company may exist within capitalism, change is the constant factor according to the market and profitability and it will always be the worker who gets the worst of it. John Ayers.

The Devil And His Evil Ways?

Recently, pope Francis has been ranting about the devil and his evil ways, "Look out because the devil is present." His holiness is concerned because satanic cults are spreading like wildfire on the net. Vito Mancuso, a Catholic theologian, complained that, " He is opening the door to superstition." As if the more 'respectable' religions aren't based on superstition. "The sad truth is that there are many bishops and priests who do not really believe in the devil", commented reverend Gabriele Amorth, a priest and exorcist. The sad truth is that while people look to any cult, including Christianity, to solve their problems, they are deceiving themselves. Only in throwing overboard all forms of superstition including belief in an afterlife and a supreme being and organizing for socialism and sense, and security for all can they accomplish that. John Ayers.

No Mean City - book review

From the November 1974 issue of the Socialist Standard

During the thirties, a Gorbals bakery worker and a journalist by the names of McArthur and H. Kingsley Long wrote a novel describing the Glasgow slum area — the Gorbals — as it appeared to them in the 20's and 30's.

Basically, it is the story of a slum hooligan named Johnnie Stark, nicknamed Razor King, and of the gangland violences which were regular features of Glasgow life at that period. The gangs in Glasgow were not organized for criminal purposes and were hooligans trying to overcome the boredom and monotony of a sordid existence. Most lived in squalor — ten and eleven to a room — most were unemployed.

The authors concentrate their story round the Gorbals area (McArthur lived there), but the social conditions they described could be found in all working-class slums in Glasgow; Bridgeton, Anderson, Plantation, Calton, Townhead. All that these misguided hooligans could hope to gain from their inter-gang wars was permanent facial disfigurement as a result of razor-slashing, or a cracked skull as a result of being hit on the head by a beer bottle. But the excitement and anticipation of the fight relieved the boredom, and this was a major factor in making their miserable social condition tolerable.

This perverse way of looking at life could not, nor cannot, be explained if the slum background is ignored.

The Gorbals became part of Glasgow in 1846. Situated in rather a pleasant area on the banks of the Clyde, it was originally a fishing village. (Glasgow, in fact, specialised in salmon fishing up until the 18th century). The Clyde was a fordable stream about three feet deep at the Broomilaw (eventually deepened to take ships of 25-foot draft).

The commercial development of Glasgow was due to the tobacco trade. Ships took manufactured goods, leather work, saddles, clothing materials, etc to the American colony, Virginia, and returned laden with tobacco. The Glasgow "tobacco lords" made huge fortunes.

The more pleasing architectural parts of Glasgow owe their origin to the wealth and largesse of the tobacco lords. The tobacco trade collapsed with the American War of Independence in 1776, and the heavy industrial development of the Clyde valley (coal, iron and steel) began a few years later, and started to intensify in 1815 when George Watt designed the first steamship. Glasgow became a huge immigration centre for Eastern Europeans, mainly Russian and Polish Jews, Italians, Germans, Belgians, and of course Irish (the New York of the 19th century). All came to seek employment in the mills, mines and shipyards.

Scotland generally had no large indigenous labour force, and needed immigrant labour. Glasgow probably had the highest proportion and the least time in which they could be absorbed into the meagre social background which existed. Tenement houses were literally thrown up in the immediate areas of the factory or mill. Mile upon mile of these social abominations still form the bulk of working-class housing in Glasgow. Most consist of two rooms with no bathroom or hot water and outside W.C. on each of the four floors.

A slum is a product of overcrowding and through the lack of proper washing facilities, the house usually becomes verminous. Engel's descriptions of the slums of Manchester and Salford apply with more force in Glasgow. Overcrowding, lack of privacy, and domestic discomfort forces the slum-dwellers into the streets and eventually into the pub. It is no accident that Glasgow had, or had up until recently, the highest number of pubs per square mile than any other city in the world.

Not unnaturally, the people became heavy drinkers. Unlike the slum dwellers of Calcutta and Bombay, who at least have the warmth of the sun for an ally and can even sleep in the open air, the Glasgow tenement and slum-dweller is not so lucky. Living in a soot-laden atmosphere in a cold, wet and windy climate, he becomes dominated by his living conditions and the tedium of work (and the lack of it). Such is the urgency of immediate existence they become aggressive, argumentative, and intolerant. Directed along Socialist lines this would be an advantage, but as it is these only serve to perpetuate a narrow conservatism and a suspicion of any new ideas, including those of the SPGB.

Much has since changed since 1932. For one thing Glasgow, far from being the second city in the British Empire with over 1 million inhabitants, now has a population of 816,000 (1972 estimate) — a reduction of 18 per cent in the last twelve years. Many of the slums have gone, but many more remain. In fact, the slum reception housing areas built in 1933-37 like Blackhill and Shettleston are rapidly becoming slum areas as overcrowding grows afresh. It should not be assumed that it was socially enlightened planners and politicians who were responsible for demolishing the slums. A far more potent reason was the appalling health hazards which these slums produced. Apart from inevitable poverty diseases like TB and rickets, infectious diseases like scarlet fever and diphtheria were quite common in the 'twenties and 'thirties in the Gorbals in the south, Calton and Bridgeton in the east; Cowcaddens in the north and the highest infantile mortality rate of any industrial county. The infant mortality rate for the city as a whole in 1935 was 110 per thousand.

The tower blocks rise in the Gorbals — whole streets have been demolished. The Irish and the Jewish immigrants of the old Gorbals have been socially assimilated, but the Pakistanis and Indians and other Asian immigrants now take their place. The same old squalor plagues these newcomers and racial tension has now become a new element in gang warfare. The post-war slum reception areas like Castlemilk, Easterhouse and Possil have produced their own gangs and vandals, and little wonder. These cheerless cellular dormitories could only inspire in the young the urge to get out of them as quickly as possible.. Miles from the city centre, poor transport services, little or no amenities; in fact, pubs were not allowed in pre-war housing schemes. They present such a desolate prospect that many wish they were back in the slums again with its intensive social life based on the camaraderie of poverty.

Full employment after World War II eased the worst rigours of poverty. The Bingo halls and the betting shops are full. The pubs are now catering for women (a post-war innovation), and more whiskey and less "red biddy" is being drunk.

The creation of an industrial sore such as Glasgow in the heady days of unrestricted exploitation in the 19th century has taught the capitalists a very expensive lesson. The scale of re-housing, health and welfare services, were and are far higher than any city of comparable population in the UK and possibly Europe. And yet Glasgow, it is claimed, is the success story of the social reformer! Low rents, good Council housing, health centres, new schools and hospitals. The poverty of the past, we are told, is so much water under Jamaica Bridge. The drunks and the derelicts still sleep it off in the Glasgow Green, but a newer phenomenon, the prostitutes and drug addicts, are now to be seen in George Square. Truly a sign of the affluent society, as nobody could afford either in pre-war Glasgow.

Politically Glasgow has had more than its share of prominent Left-wingers. A stronghold  of the ILP for many years, it certainly did not lack advocates in Parliament — Maxton; McGovern; Campbell Stephen; Kirkwood; MacLean and others. But still Glasgow does not flourish. As unemployment re-emerges, as prices rise, and the threat of redundancy becomes more imminent, the old feeling of apprehension returns. Have the good times gone — will slump and poverty return?

The Socialist knows that we cannot have capitalism without these for very long. There is no permanence in social reform. It all has to be done again and again.

Why should the working class in Glasgow and elsewhere gamble on poverty or capitalist prosperity? This choice need not be made. Glasgow has allowed itself to be wrung dry of surplus-value by the rapacity of capitalism. Its sons became undersized, undernourished, under-housed and over-worked in order to build massive fortunes for a race of arrogant parasites. There is absolutely no reason why they should continue to do so.

If they will look beyond the sponsored parochialism of local politics to the broader issues of Socialism and consciously associate themselves with a working-class movement intent on the abolition of capitalism, then and only then will Glasgow flourish.
Jim D'Arcy

This Is Progress?

One of the illusions spread by supporters of capitalism is that although it has a dire history of exploitation and poverty it is gradually improving. Try telling that story to the half million Bolivian children who are still suffering from near-Dickensian conditions. 'Bolivia has lowered the legal working age to allow children to work from the age of 10 as long as they also attend school and are self-employed. The law also permits 12-year-olds to be contracted to work for others. But they need parental authorisation. ...... More than 500,000 children already work to supplement the family income in Bolivia according to the United Nations Children's Fund (Unicef).' (BBC News, 18 July) RD

Desperate People

They are not the only desperate people. Many from North Africa are trying to flee poverty and cross the Mediterranean Sea to Europe. 600,000 are waiting to make the journey and so far this year 42,000 have reached Italy. The risks they take to escape their poverty are high, often using unseaworthy boats causing the deaths of 170 so far this year. Such a system that causes and allows this to happen should be trashed and soon. John Ayers.

God Is Not Talking

As an example of the above, California is entering its third year of drought. In many areas farming has come to a standstill and farmers and their workers are suffering economically. The Toronto Star described a scene, " The two field workers scraped hoes over weeds that weren't there. "Let us pretend we see many weeds." Francisco Galvez told his friend Rafael. That way, maybe they would get a full week's work." A Mormon missionary has been visiting Francisco and his family. He says they all say the same thing, "If your mind is right you can talk to God and he will tell you what to do." Given the enormity of the problem it seems like God is not talking. John Ayers.

Gaza Stripped Bare

The siege of the Gaza Strip was imposed in 2007 to induce the Gazans to overthrow the Hamas administration they have elected. Keeping Gaza and the West Bank isolated from direct contact with the outside world is crucial to Israel’s claim to continued sovereignty over the occupied territories and preventing the emergence of a sovereign Palestinian state. Some sections of the Israeli ruling class are prepared to accept a peace settlement based on the “two-state solution”. Peace would give Israeli business unrestricted access to Arab export markets and cheap labour. The present government, however, is tied to the occupation – above all, the military-industrial complex and the settlers’ lobby. Netanyahu’s Likud is loathe to contemplate a genuine Palestinian state. For these people, peace is a danger to be warded off at all costs. This explains Israel’s cold reception to the re-amalgamation of Abbas West Bank Palestinian Authority and Gaza’s Hamas.

The Israeli state oppresses the Palestinians, driving them into the hands of the fanatics of Hamas out of despair at the failure of the secular Palestinian left. In turn the pitiful rocket and mortar attacks provide for the Israeli state 'proof' of the murderous nature of the Palestinians and drives the Israeli public to support harsher and harsher measures against the against the Palestinian people who are all now viewed as complicit in terrorism. This is a self destructive spiral and must be broken. The Israeli state is not shaken by the ineffectual rockets of Hamas. Neither the Israeli army nor Hamas really care about 'their' civilians, except as bloody images for the cameras of the world's press in order to justify their own next atrocity.

Perhaps one of the saddest and longest lasting examples of a working class divided against itself is the continuing factional struggle between Israeli and Palestinian workers. Our appeal is to both Jewish and Palestine workers to shun the political intentions and racial rhetoric of both the rulers of Israel and Hamas. Not every Jewish citizen of Israel is a Zionist at heart -- they are merely workers. Indeed Jews and Arabs can live side by side as 20% of Israeli-Arabs demonstrate, albeit they suffer the discrimination of the Jewish religious lobby and Zionist expansionists. Zealots expounded Jewishness as a separate race while Islamic fundamentalists find fertile ground among the oppressed Moslem population.

Israel/Palestine is today de facto one state. But it is an apartheid state which discriminates against non-Jews in favour of Jews. Currently, the West Bank and East Jerusalem house some 500,000 Jewish settlers living in more than 130 settlements dispersed throughout these areas.

Dr Ghada Karmi, author of ‘Married to Another Man: Israel's Dilemma in Palestine’, writes:
“The Palestinian task now is to fight against this apartheid and mount a struggle, not for an impossible Palestinian state, but for equal rights under Israeli rule. They would need to dismantle the Palestinian Authority, which is now a liability that only camouflages the true situation, and then confront Israel, their actual ruler, directly. As stateless people under military occupation, they must demand equal civil and political rights with Israeli citizens, and apply for Israeli citizenship if necessary. That puts the onus on Israel to respond: either to ignore the five million Palestinians it rules, or vacate their land, or grant them equal rights.”

 Peace will create better conditions for democracy. No longer obsessed with ethnic conflict, Jewish Israelis and Palestinians will be able to refocus on the social, economic and ecological problems spawned by the “normal” peacetime functioning of capitalism. A space for socialist ideas will open up in this corner of the world. We ask that workers set aside the reaction of nationalism, religious bigotry, ethnic hatred, racism and join together to root out the real problem itself — capitalism.

Global Warming Problems.

Global warming can create big problems for animals farmed for food, the experts say. Turkeys are vulnerable to heat that makes their breast meat mushy and unappetizing. Disease can spread through a chicken coop and severe weather can wipe out entire herds of cattle. According to Gale Strasbourg, a professor of food and nutrition at Michigan State University, " Within a day or two after a heat wave you will go from no problem at all to forty per cent of turkey breasts having a problem." Ian Miller, ex-principal climate specialist for the World Bank said," The US Department of Agriculture approach to climate change is like trying to promote driver safety while helping the car industry make faster cars." Scientists who are working to create new breeds of animals that can cope with a warmer climate argue that they too are focused on depleting resources. Of course, nowhere do we see a concerted effort to get to the root of the problem – the way we produce the goods needed for society and the ways in which that is done. John Ayers.

It Goes Against His Recent Actions

In a rare endorsement of science, specifically vaccination, Prime Minister Harper said, " Don't indulge your theories; think of your children and listen to the experts" A commendable sentiment as science and vaccinations have saved millions of lives. However, it goes against his recent actions regarding science and facts – cuts to research funding for the Department of Justice, massive closures of libraries, including loss of collections of Health Canada, and even restrictions on the ability of meteorologists to use the words 'climate change', part of his sustained efforts to muzzle scientific work in general. John Ayers.

The Case For Socialism

One of the great mysteries  is why people tolerate such a system as ours that is full of exploitation and oppression particularly if Abraham Lincoln’s aphorism is true that:
 “You can fool all of the people some of the time and some of the people all of the time. But you can’t fool all of the people all of the time.”
 When the majority of the people refuse to be fooled any longer they can as in Percy Shelley’s words:
 “Rise like lions after slumber,
 In unvanquishable number-
Shake your chains to earth like dew
Which in sleep had fallen on you
Ye are many - they are few.”

Some refuse to learn while others decline to remember. Socialists are those who remember and set their course by the lessons they have learned. “The emancipation of the working class is the work of the working class itself,” said Karl Marx. When speaking of socialist revolution we seek “no condescending saviors” as the International says. we believe that task belongs to the workers themselves. There can be no socialism without the working class of the world. Those who really want to build a new and better world of socialist freedom must see to it that the intellectual constructors of new models of society do not succeed in enticing the people with their false radicalism. It must be made clear that for all their criticism and attacks on the status quo that they stand for the retention of capitalism in various forms.

There’s no point in forming a socialist party if it isn’t out to change people’s ideas: and if it is, then it must prepare for the task. Socialist parties are the living carriers and embodiment of the ideas learned and recalled from our collective past. Our idea of revolutionary politics boil down to this idea – to teach the working class to rely upon itself and upon its own ideas and organisation and not submit at any time to the interest, the needs, the leadership, the programme, the movement, the organisation, or the ideas of any other class. To remain independent. Some are aghast: “You don’t mean to say that you really believe that the working class can emancipate themselves, can themselves take political power? and establish a new democratic society? ... They need a strong hand over them, to lead them , to show the way ...” These people refuse to learn the idea that the workers can free themselves. If there is one thing that human history shows, and human history is the history of the struggle for human liberation, for the ideas of freedom – it is that these ideas cannot long be suppressed. If history gives no other lesson, it gives this one. Ideas representing the most sacred yearnings of the oppressed and exploited everywhere have triumphed before. They will triumph again. It is our conviction that the socialist revolution will triumph.

We are not deterministically declaring socialism is inevitable. If this was so we would not require a socialist party and simply devote ourselves to social activism as the goal will take care of itself and all we would need is the creation of workers councils. If it were that easy!

The working class understands the necessity of combining into unions, of resisting the onslaught of capital.  As long as the workers’ struggle is confined to the narrow limits of trade unionism the power of capital over labour is guaranteed. Our task in the economic struggle is not to fight for better terms in the sale of labour-power, that role is for the unions, but to fight for the abolition of the capitalist system that compels the working class to sell themselves as wage-slaves. Our task  is to move the class struggle towards capturing the state machine.  After we have overthrown the capitalists we will do away with the capitalist parliament and  we will establish socialism.  People will participate directly in running society from top to bottom to administer the vast riches of the world, its lands, forests, mineral resources, lakes and rivers as well as the means of production, for the common benefit of all. There will be an end to all exploitation. The wealth will be the property of the people and not of individual capitalists.

Gone will be the anarchy of capitalist production. Gone, too, the economic crises which today bring so much misery. The workers will distribute the resources of society according to the needs of the people, not to satisfy a few capitalists’ hunger for profits as is the case today. Through planning we shall build up and modernize the factories and other productive facilities and eliminate backward and backbreaking labor. We will construct new houses and medical, cultural and sports facilities for people. The quality of everyday life will improve vastly as socialist construction proceeds. Socialism will enable us to eliminate the regional economic disparities that today plague the world.

We will also have socialist relations of production to replace the capitalist organization of labour. The repressive system of foremen, supervisors and overseers will be wiped out. Workers will participate in the running of the factories by electing their works committee that will collectively assume the responsibility for the running of production and the quality of production.

 Socialism we will raise the level of education of the whole people. Higher education will no longer be reserved as the privilege of an elite. Not just education but the arts, scientific and cultural pursuits will also flourish. No more will people face deteriorating health or declining health care facilities. Socialism means tremendous progress. The future of humanity is a radically new society where classes and the state will have been completely eliminated. All members of society will contribute and share in the common good.

Voting for Democrats or Republicans, Labour or Tory, means supporting both sides’ attacks against the working class. Workers now face threats from both ruling-class parties on the most vulnerable sections of our class. Capitalism is an exploitative system and sexism and racism  are so interrelated within it that it offers no future for any worker. Workers have a stake in the struggle for democratic rights and must make use of those rights, no matter how limited, under capitalism to build their own organisations of struggle: the trade unions, community organisations — but, most of all, a socialist party. In doing it gives the ability to the working class to bring down this wretched system of exploitation and oppression. The working class needs a political alternative that meets the needs of our class, based on our class’s power and our collective strength, dedicated to overthrowing both the capitalist economic system and the state that defends it.

Raise Your Voice, Not The Sea Level 

To win

The capitalists in their never-ending greed for higher profits, are willing to make life a misery for  most working people. The working class, if it were united, could not only stop the assault in its tracks, it could turn this planet into a storehouse of plenty for all. Socialism is not a system of society constructed from a pre-ordained plan, built to order, but another stage of social evolution. Academics and intellectuals enjoy a certain measure of prestige esteem and influence that they can grow so deluded to hold that they are the prime movers of society and thus become architects of various models of societies arrogating the power of decision-making from the people themselves. These professors and philosophers create their own wish-fulfilling interpretation of Utopia. They endeavour to place themselves at the head of the labour movement which is to be the vehicle for their projects which they would steer the workers towards.  Ultra-radical as their ideas first appear, if scrutinised deeper, we see they adopt simply idealised forms of present-day capitalism - an impossible capitalism without exploitation. Pious proposals about an "ideal state of things" and what the worker "ought to get" won’t alter facts. Often in the end it is merely a case of robbing Peter to pay Paul. The left reformists, many of whom consider themselves socialists know it required to present a radical face, and lo and behold, their “socialism” emerges.  Socialists simply to tell the truth to our fellow workers: the revolution will not come through saviors but through the actions and the consciousness of the working class itself.

Our view of the socialist society is therefore a forecast of the lines of future development already indicated in the present. The actual builders of the future socialist society will be the socialist generations themselves and the Socialist Party refrains from offering these future generations any instructions or blueprints as in the words of Auguste Blanqui, a French revolutionary: “Tomorrow does not belong to us.” We assume that the people in the future society will be wiser than us and that they will know what to do far better than we can tell them. The Socialist Party can only anticipate and point out the general direction of development, and we should not try to do more. But what the future socialist society will look like is a question of interest and has importance in our propaganda.  Workers who join our movement will be inspired by a great vision of a new world and we can  trace some of the broad outlines if not all the details.

Before one can expect a social revolution, a political revolution must have taken place: the workers must have captured the State. The social revolution: the introduction of the new, higher relations of production i.e., no proprietorship, but common ownership of the social wealth, can develop the productivity of labour to a point where we can put into practice the motto: “From each according his ability; to each according his needs.”

 Of all these changes, which can be predicted, the transformation of the system of production and the increased productivity is in the forefront. Even at the present stage of economic development, if everybody worked and there was no waste, a universal four-hour day would undoubtedly be enough to provide abundance for all. The machinery and technology are today used to enslave the workers, while they could be used to help the workers and society as a whole.Once the whole of society is concentrated on the problem of increasing productivity, even a working day of four hours will be unnecessary. Work will be highly organised in the interests of efficiency of a cooperative labour process and freedom from toil and drudgery, made possible by the ever-increasing extent  science and technology advances productivity and automation to reduce the amount of labour time required.

Where there is abundance and free access it, people will have no further use for money and  the absurdity of wage rationing will become apparent. People will cease to work for wages. There will be no money, and there will not even be any bookkeeping transactions or coupons to regulate how much one works and how much he or she gets such as the labour time vouchers Marx suggested as a temporary measure during the time of scarcity.  People will work without any compulsion and take what they need. That is what the workers of all ages have been after—a better world.

A working class that does not see its own power today certainly doesn’t see that it can generate a real alternative to capitalism. Marx always stressed that action created consciousness, not vice versa. Tomorrow, when the explosions occur, all things including socialism will seem both possible and necessary. As revolutionaries who are loyal to our class, we support every effort on the part of workers to better their situation. We are open about the fact that we want to explain the need for socialist revolution. Unless struggle takes a revolutionary direction, worse is yet to come. Thomas Piketty in his acclaimed book ‘Capital in the 21st Century’ documents that the fundamental direction of capitalism is to descend back toward inequality conditions of the 19th-century.

Marxism is about the working class. The beginning, middle and end of analysis is the working-class. Revolutionary theory that does not connect at some stage with the real movement of the workers is a meaningless abstraction. Nowhere today does the revolutionary workers movement have the support to set in motion the social transformation of production. The immediate task is to expand our influence and membership among our class. No one knows the suffering better than the slave himself, and therefore it must be he who must free himself from the lash of the masters. Nothing can be stronger than the working class, when all the workers are properly organised; when they all stand together. Then will come the time about which many through the ages have dreamed; the time when the master and the slave shall have disappeared from the earth.

The workers have always been on the defensive to recover lost ground, so that after the fight they are in the same position as some time before the fight. The spirit of defense, however, is "Not to lose." That is all. To go toward victory in the industrial revolution that is already in its beginning stage, the workers must be embued with the spirit of attack. That means, "To Win." The Canadian One Big Union stressed class organisation rather than industrial organisation. In pursuance of this class policy it did not condemn political action, but rather declared that the only hope for the workers was in the economic and political solidarity of the working class, One Big Union and One Big Party. The 0. B. U. asserted that organisation by industries was just as archaic as organization by craft unionism, since unskilled workers moved from one industry to another as occasion demands. Thus the 0. B. U. firmly adopted the principle of placing all workers, regardless of at what they worked, within the same locals. In larger places, separate locals were formed which might coincide with different industries, but not necessarily. In that case, all the locals were connected by central labor councils which controlled the locality. Thus the 0. B. U. formed, not industrial union locals, but what amounted to workers councils (or soviets) on practically a geographical basis. The organisation structure stressed the principle of placing all workers employed in a given productive unit, regardless of skill or artificial division, into one group, whereby they could act concertedly for class interests. The role of the One Big Party - the socialist party  -  was a destructive one solely to dispossess the capitalist and dismantle the State, while the O. B .U. role was a constructive one, to build a new society and re-structure production for the co-operative commonwealth after the capitalist State was abolished.

What is socialism?

What will such a socialist society look like?

 In Wages, Price and Profit, Marx writes “that false and superficial radicalism that accepts premisses and tries to evade conclusions”, and he goes on: “To clamour for equal or even equitable retribution on the basis of the wages system is the same as to clamour for freedom on the basis of the slavery system. What you think just or equitable is out of the question.”
Marx is being critical of those who direct attention away from our revolutionary goal - the abolition of the wages system.

 There is nothing at all either reformist to Marx’s thought. He is less interested in the social division of income and more about the distribution of free time, of opportunities for fulfilling activity, of unpleasant or rebarbative work; with the distribution of welfare more generally, of social and economic benefits and burdens. And he is concerned, in particular and above all, with the distribution of productive resources, on which according to him this wider distribution depends. It is universal freedom and self-development that he envisages and looks forward to at the end of the line. Marx claims that the revolution will put an end to alienation, that it will enable every member of society to develop his or her capacities, that it will promote community and solidarity between people, and that it will facilitate the expansion of human productive powers and the universal satisfaction of human needs. Marx upholds the principle of collective control over resources and he envisaged an end to scarcity. All people, equally, will be able to satisfy their needs. But the means of consumption will not be divided into exactly equivalent individual shares and even equal labour contributions will not be matched by such shares being of the same size. Only those who need drugs or medical treatment will have access to them, for instance, the vulnerable young an the elderly frail receiving priority,  responding to the specific needs of each individual — must, in some senses, mean unequal individual treatment. Satisfying needs is not the  fantasy of an abundance without limits. Needs does not mean every want or fancy but goes far beyond the absolute minimum subsistence level. Marx disparaged the type of socialism where there is “equality of wages paid by the common capital, (that is) the community as the general capitalist.” Even without a capitalist, there is still wage-slavery.

No more classes or state, so no more private property. The end of politics, since there are no-one to be governed. No more leaders and no more followers. There is the administration of things.  No opposition between town and country, humanity is spread harmoniously over the earth's surface. The disappearance of the division between manual and intellectual labour, a reflection of the class struggle. Social man uses the productive machine to create a social product. What socialism would be is a free association of completely free men, where no separation between private and common interest exist: a society where “everyone could give himself a complete education in whatever domain he fancied”. For “man’s activity becomes an adverse force which subjugates him, instead of his being its master” when there is a division of labour where everyone must then have a profession that he has not chosen and in which he is forced to remain if he does not want to lose his means of existence. In socialism, on the contrary, a man would be given “the possibility to do this today and that tomorrow, to hunt in the morning, to go fishing in the afternoon, to do cattle breeding in the evening, to criticise after dinner”, as he choses. [German Ideology]
Socialist society provides to men and women to develop all their capacities in their own interests and in the interests of society as a whole. It is clear that there is not the slightest relation between Marx’s vision of socialism and what passed for it in the Soviet Union or the social-democracies welfare state.

The Socialist Party of Great Britain is a voluntary union of people who share a common outlook and the common desire to work to realise its principles in life —the establishment of socialism. The unity and the understanding of the working class is essential if the working class is to prevail against the capitalists. Reformism is the idea that socialism can be achieved through a gradual addition of reforms won by constitutional means and without the overthrow of capitalism. This we reject. The aim of the Socialist Party is to achieve a socialism in which the common ownership of the means of production and distribution shall replace the existing capitalist system. It found expression in the teachings of men like John Ball, Gerald Winstanley, Robert Owen and those pioneers of the British labour movement, the Chartists. We must move forward for we cannot go back. Capitalism, in the search for greater profits, expanded the production of goods on an enormous scale into highly developed, large-scale production, thus establishing the basis on which socialism can be built. But capitalism does not evolve into socialism. It has to be transformed into socialism by the conscious action of people. The age-long dream of those thinkers and the fighters of the past can only become reality when the working class wages the struggle to take political and economic power from the capitalist class and sets about building a socialist society. The means of production—the factories, mines, land and transport—are taken away from the capitalists. They are transformed into social property. This means that they belong to and are worked by the whole of the people, that the fruits of production likewise become social property, used to advance the standard of life of the peoples. No longer can the capitalists by virtue of the fact that they own the means of production, live off the labour of the working class. No longer are the workers compelled to sell their labour power to the capitalists in order to live. Production is planned to meet the material and cultural needs of the people which is only possible because the means of production have been taken out of the hands of competing private owners, whose only concern was to produce what was profitable, not what was needed by the people. Socialism means a wider, more purposeful life for all. The definition of democracy as “government of the people, by the people, for the people” becomes a reality. Today’s “democracy” is government of the people by the capitalists in the interests of the capitalists. The basis for socialism is the initiative of the people, the active processes of self-government and social life. Without this the building of socialism is impossible.

A parliamentary majority is of key importance in beginning the advance to socialism. But by itself it cannot bring about socialism. Economic power  means ownership and control of all the means of production—the factories, mills, mines, land,  etc. So long as these remain in the private hands of the capitalist class, society remains capitalist society irrespective of the character of the government in power. The workers continue to be exploited. Production continues to be production for profit. Planned production is impossible. The essence of the Marxist view of the transition to socialism is that unless political and economic power is taken out of the hands of the capitalist class and transferred into the hands of the majority of the people no advance to socialism is possible. Parliament is rooted in history. Through it the British people have expressed their aspirations for social progress for centuries (English Revolution 1640; Chartism 1840). Political power means control of the State apparatus, which is more than Parliament. It is the control of the armed forces, the police, law and justice, education, propaganda, etc. — all of which are headed by defenders of capitalism. The state apparatus is the machinery of coercion and government established by every ruling class to maintain its rule over the subject classes. Experience in the past has shown that the defenders of capitalism  are ready to use their power to thwart any move which might be disadvantageous to the capitalist class as a whole or to any individual section. Parliament could play a key role in the development of socialism but a Parliament not resting on a passive people whose task was ended with voting it into power. It would rest on and be impelled by a politically active people, whose struggle for socialism outside Parliament would continue and be part of the political activities. In short, it would be a Parliament reflecting the will of the people and giving the sanction of its authority to their struggle. Once the ruling class have been dispossessed and their power has evaporated, the State’s role and the Socialist Party’s function are finished. Both disappear.

Fleeting Prosperity

The city of Mississauga (near Toronto) that for years was thought of as a Prosperous, well-run city is no longer considered so. For decades, constantly in the black, no property tax increases and the mayor returned with a ninety per cent majority. Then the province started downloading services to the municipalities and Mississauga, like many towns and cities, could not cope. In 2013 it went into debt and raised property taxes. Under capitalism prosperity and security can be very fleeting for cities as well as for workers. John Ayers.

Socialist Consciousness

The struggle for socialism is the struggle for socialist consciousness which sounds very mysterious and philosophical. As a matter of fact, ‘socialist consciousness’ is simply another way of expressing enlightened self-interest.

The working class is crucial to the socialist revolution for essentially two reasons. One is that the process of production, the production and transportation of food, clothing, shelter, etc., is fundamental to any society and the section of society which can gain control of that process can gain control of the society as a whole. For example, a strike of teachers may have considerable political impact but it brings nothing but the immediate activities to a halt. But workers in a steel mill, on a railroad, in an auto plant, can affect the economy far beyond their own specific workplace. The second reason for the centrality of the working class is that the socialist revolution must involve the transformation of work and the workplace or it is not a social revolution at all. Whatever else may happen - and a revolution is a vast, complex totality - if the workers do not gain possession of the means of production, then governments may have been overthrown, but society has not been transformed.

In their minds most of the workers involved in these class battles fight without ever conceiving of themselves as a class confronting the ruling class and its state. They think of themselves as fighting this particular boss, or the bosses in this particular industry; and they do not usually add up the experiences into a comprehensive generalisation of the class nature of the capitalist society.

The fact is that classes exist and hey exist because some men live by owning the factories and the machines, and the rest of us  have to go to work on these machines which we don’t own. The boss squeezes as much profit out of the worker as he can. The worker tries to gain as close to a living wage out of the boss as he or she can. And should the workers stopped struggling, they’d just be squeezed even more. That’s why there’s a class struggle. There are SQUEEZERS and there are the SQUEEZED.

Consciousness of any kind cannot exist without a mind for its repository, any more than a mind can exist without a body. Socialist consciousness requires a repository where it can be accumulated and ordered, from which it can be instilled in others, and by which it can be constantly revised, checked, renewed and defended. The ingenuity of man has invented the mass socialist party, the political organisation of the working class. Without a working class with socialist consciousness and a revolutionary party organising its action on that basis, no victory, no socialism.

Workers should see that the Socialist Party reflect their interests more consistently than our opponents. In all lands the interests of the working-class are identical. With the development of world-commerce and production for the world-market the position of the workers in each country becomes increasingly dependent on that of the workers in other countries. The liberation of the working-class is, therefore, a task in which the workers of all lands are equally concerned. Being conscious of this fact the Socialist Party proclaims its solidarity with the class-conscious workers of all lands. We would contend that only a socialist party is capable of winning the battle of ideas for the struggle against capitalism is at the same time necessarily a struggle of the socialist against capitalist consciousness. Victory in the one case is impossible without victory in the other.

The great wealth of the world is the product of the labour of countless people. But while the working people created this wealth, they do not own or control it. The capitalist system has concentrated the ownership of the tremendous productive forces in the hands of a small group of capitalists. This creates a basic conflict: production is collective, involving the coordinated and interconnected labour of millions, but the control of it, is private. The capitalist exploits the working class and creates poverty and economic insecurity. Businessmen invest capital and plunder the natural resources. The system of capitalism is a system of economic chaos, plagued by periodic crises. These crises are inseparable from the economic system and is exacerbated by  the speculation of the bankers, financiers and industrialists, each tries to profit off one another and because of this individual greed, the working people suffer, and the economy is thrown into turmoil.

 At first, banks served mainly as intermediaries for payments. With the development of capitalism the activity of the banks as traders in capital became more extensive. The accumulation of capital and concentration of production in industry led to the concentration in the banks of enormous amounts of spare money seeking profitable application. The share of the large-scale banks in the total amount of bank turnover steadily grew. In every country a small handful of the biggest bankers and industrialists  hold in their grasp all the vitally important branches of the economy and dispose of the overwhelming bulk of social wealth. Management by capitalist monopolies inevitably becomes the rule of a finance oligarchy that become too big to fail and receive government subsidies and bail-outs. The oligarchs begin to rule in the political sphere too. The operation of  capitalism is an obstacle to the well-being of society. The situation demands a new, more rational system of economic organisation that will use the productive forces for the benefit of the vast majority of society.

As it is, millions suffer and the capitalist class benefits from this immeasurable misery of countless numbers of people. This exploitative and oppressive system, where profit is master, holds millions hostage to hunger and want and it has poisoned the very air we breathe and polluted the water we drink. The situation cries out for change, for a new, more rational social system – socialism!

Out of capitalist competition paradoxically arises the concentration of industry. For the competitive struggle, waged primarily by cheapening costs, develops the imperative to produce more and sell more. This involves the necessity of enlarging the scale of production, emphasised by the pressure of technological change, with its constantly greater demands for fixed capital and raw materials, and the efforts to overcome a fall in the rate of profit by increasing its mass. Thus capitalist expansion and accumulation are accompanied by the gradual but inexorable rise to power of large-scale industry. Small individual producers are replaced by giant corporations, applying  the most efficient methods of modern production and distribution, accessing the markets throughout the world, controlling the supply of the raw materials. Thus competition gives place to monopoly that crosses the confines of borders.

In capitalism the core economic property relations involve the separation of the direct producers from the means of production (class of propertyless proletarians), the commodity form of the products of social labour (including labour power) and the ownership of the means of production by capitalist enterprises.

 Ownership and management are separated . Ownership is vested in stockholders who own but do not manage and merely receive dividends. Management is vested in the CEOs. The owners of shares knows nothing of the enterprise, except its dividend yield and stock market quotations. Corporate industry is institutional or impersonal, albeit the older relations of private or personal ownership and appropriation persist. Separation of ownership and management permits seizure of control by the financial oligarchy, which imposes its dictatorship over industry and permits overly generous remuneration for their services. Class lines may appear blurred but they have become more rigid and class differences grown more acute.

Creating a socialist world where people live from birth to death never having to suffer under the chains of wage slavery is what all of us should be fighting for. This is socialist consciousness.

Food For Thought

On May 22, the state of Tennessee passed a law allowing the electrocution in the event that drugs for lethal injections were not available. A European ban on the drugs has made them hard to get. The legislation passed 23 to 3 in the state senate and 68 to 13 in the house. However it is done, the death penalty is in force. It's amazing that society makes someone a criminal then kills him/her for being one. We look forward to a society where crime is virtually non- existent and the death penalty is not on the agenda. John Ayers.

A Snapshot.

An article in the Toronto Star re power cuts in India revealed the fact that the impoverished state in question, Uttar Pradesh, has never had enough electricity to service its 200 million population. However to some 63% of homes it doesn't matter – they have no access in any case - a snapshot of 'booming modern India". John Ayers.

Our Class Against Our Enemy

The class struggle and class warfare continue under all circumstances in capitalist society. Workers’ efforts to organise unions in order to raise wages, shorten hours, and improve working conditions go back to the earliest days of capitalism. Throughout history, the bosses have always tried to keep workers divided, unorganised and weak, in order to intensify their exploitation and thereby grab bigger profits. The capitalist class has never stopped–and will never stop–its efforts to destroy and weaken the trade union movement. A powerful, militant trade union movement is a constant threat to profits. As long as the ownership of land and industry is under control of the capitalist class, the economy is run solely for the maximum profit interest of the bosses, and their state power is used to protect their capitalist system.

Workers must be guided by the slogan, “An injury to one is an injury to all” and must advance solidarity in all battles against the capitalist enemy and combat all practices that cause disunity. and divide the workers, competing with each other for jobs, bidding against each other to give employers the cheapest deal, often scabbing on each other.

Workers must also build toward independent political action by the working class. For the most part, labour seeks political expression through the Labour Party and this reliance on a capitalist party is one reason for the workers’ political impotence. The government, regardless of which party is in temporary control, is actually the political general staff of the ruling class. Workers’ understanding must be developed so that they fight the bosses politically as well as economically.

 For as long as capitalism exists, there will be capitalist exploitation. That is the way capitalism operates, the only way it can operate. For the capitalists run things for their own profit. They don’t have to pay wages to machines, and the workers not replaced by machines have to produce more than ever. In those factories made obsolete by new machines, employers intensify speed-up in an effort to compete. If they can, they cut wages and lengthen hours. Eventually, such factories modernise or have to be closed down. Workers are removed farther and farther from the commodities they produce; they have less and less reason to take pride in their work. For the workers, new technology and automation mean insecurity, and often disaster. Traditional skilled and semi-skilled trades become useless in many cases. Labour-saving machines are not objectionable in themselves. What is objectionable is the way in which capitalism introduces new machines, their use to increase profits at the workers’ expense, to bring on unemployment and depression and hunger. The way to deal effectively with the problem is to fight to shorten working hours with no cut in daily or weekly pay. Workers has done it before, and must do it again. We have to fight back now against what the capitalists try to do to us. A working class and a people that does not fight for its material needs, and for its dignity, will never get to socialism, and is in danger of being reduced to slavery. We can’t make capitalism work like socialism, but we can limit some of the capitalist thievery. But our real task is to kick out the capitalists and establish socialism. But that doesn’t mean we can just sit around and wait for socialism.

 We are fighting the same enemy; we must work together; we must help each other. Workers become the grave diggers of capitalism. Capitalism forces the workers to connect theory with practice, to wander all over the world, to try their hand at all occupations, to find themselves reduced to a common level, to organize and discipline themselves as a class. All this makes them fit to build a new society. Capitalism hardens them, tests them, wipes out all their illusions, gives them arms, and compels them under penalty of extinction to go forward towards socialism. In the struggle of the workers against their enemy, whatever victories they win in the beginning are but temporary. The victory of the workers is the end not only of wage slavery but of all class rule forever. In socialism, there are no longer a market, commodities, values, prices, nor wages. Goods are no longer sold for a market, but are produced for use. There being no class struggles, there is now no need for a State. Even police disappear as the basis for crime is gone, since labour is so productive that all the wants of life easily can be obtained. Socialism lays the basis for a new type of life by the ending of the misery and despotism. The government over persons is transformed into the administration of things.

Workers unite! Fight for socialism! You have nothing to lose but your chains. You have a world to gain!

Everyone Loses Except Guess Who?

An SPC member recently had a chat with a lady who works for a newspaper in Burlington. She said the entire layout department had been let go and the work was outsourced to India, quite possible and common in our electronic age. It doesn't mean good luck for the workers there either because of very low wages, the only reason they have the chance of work. Under capitalism, everyone loses except the capitalist class and that is why we must have a world-wide worker response. John Ayers.

More Fracking Problems.

Residents of Ramones in NE Mexico are now finding cracks in their cinder block walls caused by tremors from fracking. The Mexican government has reformed its laws to allow foreign companies to drill for oil and gas for a portion of the profits. Fracking injects a high- pressure mix of water, sand, and chemicals into rock to get to the oil and gas. This may not seem like a wise thing to do in a country that has experienced major earthquakes, but where profit is concerned, common sense goes out of the window. John Ayers.

Eco-socialism...is plain old socialism

Humanity stands on the brink of extinction yet few particularly care enough to be motivated into taking determined action to change things. The evidence is out there, in the open, for all to see, reported by the media, discussed by professionals and debated by politicians, that the world is in some real deep shit (literally). Even when the effects of climate change is being actually witnessed today, the proposals to reverse the process (if it is indeed possible to mitigate them now) is put off until  tomorrow, or better still, the day after tomorrow, or ideally, the week after next.

A plausible reason for disinterest and lack of engagement is that people have been manipulated into a fatalistic sense of acceptance. Plus most of the serious consequences will be for our children, or grandchildren, to face, not ourselves (or so many of us mistakenly led to believe). So the destruction of the environment isn’t really such an immediate problem like having to earn enough money to pay the rising prices at the supermarket check-out or to pay the energy bill (and conveniently forget the climate connection).

Having us passive and detached, rather than agitating to stop a pending catastrophe, suits governments and corporations very nicely. Because if we start questioning too much the causes of the problems and querying why so little is being done to fix the trouble, we will start to understand how our economics really functions, but far more importantly, for whose interests the system  really serves. The policy-makers may well be frightened of the fact that we just might learn the central role of business profits in shaping our future. The more we might discover about the truth in the supposed impartiality of decision making, the less faith and trust we could have in our 'betters’and their supposed superior sense of judgement.

 It is capitalism that steal the world resources and causes devastation of our natural environment.  Either we get rid of this system or it will destroy mankind. Time is of an urgency for people to take action. The hour is late.

Humanity is constantly aware of the influence of nature, the air we breathe, the water we drink, the food we eat, and the energy we use. In short, we are connected with nature  and cannot live outside nature. An enormous amount of human labour has been spent on transforming nature.  We have subdued nature to serve the interests of society. Forests were destroyed and arable land increased. Forests were something wild and menacing, all our fairy tales told us so. In the name of civilisation the forests had been cut down, our natural surroundings tamed. The human interaction with nature has become increasingly disharmonised. From the influence of unplanned profit production processes our water, air, the soil, flora and fauna have become poisoned. The toxic changes even more dangerous than earlier thought and no longer controllable. If human beings do not succeed in preventing and reducing damage to the biosphere, plants, animals and people perish together. Life itself depends on whether humanity can resolve the ecological situation that have arisen today. The predictable consequences of capitalism is making man's destruction of the biosphere  inevitable (and an act of suicide).

This man-made environmental crisis is a global problem. Its solution lies in the rational re-organisation of production and a clear awareness of our planetary responsibility. The problem  cannot be solved scientifically but only politically.  People could be free to implement the adaptations to our way of life if it was not for the fact that we are busy serving our masters interests and intent upon achieving the goals of the capitalist class. The threat to the future of the planet and to very existence of the people who live on it, lie in the profit system. The challenge for all those who want a better world and to safeguard the planet is to stop that disaster before it is too late (...and the time grows shorter with every new day that passes). The future depends on wresting control of society from those who control it now.

Technological and scientific changes do not develop separate and apart from people. Men make the changes and, in the process are changed themselves. Their jobs will be different, their needs will be different, as will their demands, and above all their ideas and thinking will be different.

Capitalism wastes its own resources, and will do so as long as the present system lasts. Humans cannot exist other than by working with nature. Using the fruits of a scientific understanding we can build a world whose beauty we can enjoy. This is the kind of society socialists strive towards.  

Socialist Party statement on the Marx copyright

This spring, London-based publishers Lawrence & Wishart came under fire online and in the leftist press for allegedly trying to ‘privatise’the works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. By now over six thousand activists have signed online petitions demanding that the “nasty, capitalistic” publishers retract their claim of a copyright ‘monopoly’over the duo’s collected writings. The allegations make for compelling headlines, but in reality the issue isn’t so clear cut.

The works of Marx and Engels are valuable because they systematically document and explain the basic economic processes underpinning class societies. And an understanding of these processes is vital for identifying the problems with our own class society—capitalism—and what needs to be done to rectify them. Of course, countless later writers have helpfully summarised, elucidated, corrected, and interpreted Marx and Engels’s works, though many of the original writings remain relevant and worthy of study today.

Both men having died in the 19th century, the copyrights on their original publications have long since expired. They are now in the public domain, meaning that, as far as the law is concerned, anyone is free to copy and distribute them. However, this status applies only to the works as they were originally published, unannotated and (usually) in German. Under copyright law, whenever someone produces a new version of a public-domain work that extends or transforms it in an intellectually creative way, such as through editing, critical commentary, or translation into another language, a new copyright is manifested in the novel creative elements. British law fixes the term of copyright at 70 years following the death of the creator, so any translations and critical editions produced since 1944 are likely to be proprietary in the UK.

The recent furore over Lawrence & Wishart began when they demanded that the Marxists Internet Archive, a free online library, stop distributing material from a particular modern collection with the title Marx/Engels Collected Works. This collection is a 50-volume scholarly edition and English translation which Lawrence & Wishart had commissioned themselves (in collaboration with two other publishers) between 1975 and 2005. Though as a matter of law the publishers have the right to restrict republication of their own particular edition, their detractors have misunderstood this to mean that Lawrence & Wishart were asserting complete economic control over all of Marx and Engels’s works generally. In reality, the original German texts upon which the Collected Works is based, as well as many earlier English translations and editions of these same texts, remain in the public domain.

Certainly the Socialist Party would welcome a move by Lawrence & Wishart to release their Collected Works into the public domain, or under terms which would permit the Marxists Internet Archive to resume distributing it. But at the same time it is understandable why they have so far opted not to do this. Like any other private enterprise marketing a product, their very existence is predicated on their exclusive control of the fruits of their employees’ labour. It is illogical to attack a single commercial publisher for engaging in business practices which are, by economic necessity, no different from those of every other one.

What we can do, and indeed what we have always done, is to roundly condemn the entire socio-economic system which has led to the repugnant concept of  ‘intellectual property’. Not long ago the notion that anyone ought to be able to claim exclusive rights to the expression of an idea would have been considered absurd. Today, however, legislative and technological measures have enabled and entrenched the commodification of humanity’s intellectual output. While computers and the Internet have long since made it feasible to freely share the totality of the world’s knowledge, the realization of this has been thwarted at every turn by those whose business models require that information, like physical commodities, remain scarce. In the digital world, of course, information is never scarce—entire libraries can be duplicated a thousand times over with the click of a button. Rather than face up to this fact, publishers have collectively erected artificial legal and technical barriers to the distribution of knowledge. Here, as elsewhere in capitalism, technological progress and social utility take a back seat to the preservation of profits.

The fundamental problem with the removal of Marx/Engels Collected Works from the Internet, then, lies not with Lawrence & Wishart’s demand, nor with the bourgeois copyright regime which gave it legal force. Rather, it is with the capitalist mode of production in general, in which nothing—not even scholarly editions of socialist texts—is produced unless it can be sold at a profit. Capitalist businesses which are not willing to take such legally sanctioned but antisocial steps as are required to preserve their profits are doomed to fail, only to be supplanted by competitors with no such qualms. We therefore call on working people everywhere to unite for a single political solution: the abolition of the global capitalist system and its replacement with one based on common ownership and production for use instead of for profit.

Money Before Need

The Red Door, a vital 106 bed shelter for Toronto's homeless may be forced to close owing to a legal battle between Toronto diet doctor, Sidney Bernstein and his wealthy neighbours, co-owners of the facility. A court order put Red Door into receivership when an investigation found that $2.4 million in mortgage funds was diverted from the business partners without the knowledge of all partners. The dispute means the Red Door facility will remain closed and not service people in need while the money problem is sorted. In capitalism, money comes before need every time. John Ayers.

This Filth Is Being Created Now.

In contrast to the green image being pushed by the oil companies re the Alberta Tar Sands, Archbishop Desmond Tutu commented after a helicopter flight, "The fact that this filth is being created now, when the link between carbon emissions and global warming is so obvious, reflects negligence and greed. Oilsands development not only devastates our shared climate, it is also stripping away the rights of First Nations and affected communities to protect their children, land and water from being poisoned". Too right, Desmond. John Ayers.