Thursday, December 26, 2013

The Practical Politics of Socialists



The bankers and corporate CEOs who run the country are caught in a crisis. The working class
 is being roused to action as its anger and struggle mounts, gathering  momentum especially over the last few years. To advocate a strategy whose admitted aim is the reform of  capitalism is to mislead the working class. Workers have the power to cripple the capitalists. If the workers don’t work, the capitalists don’t profit.  As the only productive class in society, as the only class which produces and distributes the things necessary for life, the working class is the only class which literally holds in its hands not only the ability to destroy the old capitalist society, but the ability to build the new socialist society. Some people who call themselves socialists, however, do not believe that the working class will play this role.  Their position comes down to the old romantic notion of a handful of heroic revolutionaries making the revolution for the people, rather than the people, led by the working class, making the revolution for themselves. In every revolutionary movement there are some who lack faith in the ability of the people themselves to make a revolution, and who therefore feel that they must do it for them. History shows over and over, however, that all such schemes are doomed to failure.

The capitalist parties are as rotten and bankrupt as the system they uphold. They can maintain themselves and that system only by piling additional burdens upon the people. The evils of capitalism will disappear only with the destruction of capitalism and the building of socialism. The Socialist Party of Great Britain dedicates to socialism. The only road is the socialist road. Socialism is not a reform, it is a revolution. We are not reformers — we are revolutionaries. Let it be understood that by revolution we do not mean violence or bloodshed.

The class-conscious socialist realises that it is neither reform nor conciliation, nor humanitarian ideals which can free the working class and overthrow capitalism, but only an economic and social revolution. So long as the the capitalist class has state power it will continue to attack  and attempt to corrupt every gain won by the working class – and it will sooner or later succeed in setting back the workers’ movement. They can increase their profits only by pushing  the working class down, only through more speed-ups, more wage cuts, more job automation, more attacks on the victories the working class has won in the past. Workers must never forget that their interests and the interests of this small number of  bankers and corporate billionaires can never be reconciled. That is why they need to set  their aim high and build for the day when they can overthrow these profit-mongers for good, establishing socialism. Under socialism the working class  will control the economy and take ownership of the factories, machines, farmlands, etc. No parasites will grow fat off the labour of others and the working class will be able to advance towards a bright future when all class distinctions in society will be eliminated. The working class is the most powerful force in society. Not only does it create the vast  bulk of society’s wealth, but it is welded together in the process of production and its daily battles. Standing in direct opposition to the owners, it is the most consistent  opponent of oppression in all its forms. When it enters these battles as a force fighting under its own banner, the working class brings with it and instills in others its strength.

What the workers have to learn is that the “impossiblist” socialists are in the end the only practical men, because the only real practical work for the people is the transformation of capitalism into socialism.

Buckie Ban?

Buckfast has become a by-word for Scotland's hard drinking culture and the violence and vandalism that is linked to this culture. Strathclyde Police reported that  Buckfast, also known as Buckie, was mentioned in 6,496 crime reports from 2010 to 2012. It certainly attracts far more attention than any other drink with less than 1% of sales in Scotland. Successive government ministers including the current Scottish Justice Secretary, have highlighted it as a "problem" drink. The Scottish Parliament has heard calls for "Buckie" - as it has become known - to be banned and for the caffeine content to be reduced. One bottle contains as much caffeine as eight cans of Coke as well as 15% alcohol - a cocktail that some experts suggest makes Buckfast particularly potent.

Abbot David Charlesworth of Buckfast Abbey says of the monastery's tonic wine  "We don't make a product for it to be abused. That's not the idea. "It annoys me to think that these problems, all the social deprivation of an area of Scotland, is being put on our doorstep. That's not fair. I'm not producing drugs, which I know are going to be used abusively."

He added: "I've heard people say we should ban Buckfast. If you ban Buckfast, ban Scottish whisky. It's alcohol, much stronger. But oh no they wouldn't do that. So they are picking on a particular thing as a sort of conscience salver."

However the monastery does acknowledge a certain responsibility by  attempting to address problems, for example employing a youth worker in an area where the problems with the tonic wine were occurring. While Hampshire-based J Chandler and Co, which bottles and sells Buckfast, is taking legal action to stop the police adding its own anti-crime labels to bottles of the tonic wine claiming  it discriminates against its brand.

Let’s not be in any doubt, this is not about anti-drinking. The rich will swill their ports and brandies. This is about controlling workers  and saving some police time and hospital A&E expenses.


Edinburgh, Scotland - Edinburg, Texas - The same poverty

In Edinburg, Texas, 200 miles south of San Antonio, Denise Acosta, 36, a mother of four children aged 14 and under, described how being laid off from her job as a healthcare administrator seven months ago  had caused a crisis.  An $800 medical bill, no longer covered by insurance, meant Acosta quickly fell behind on the $1,200 monthly payments on her house, then the car. She lost both, and was forced to move in with her sister.

In October, the family's food stamp scheme, known as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Programme (Snap) benefits were $113 a month, a sum that lasts them about a week and a half. In November there was a $11 cut for each family member. An expansion of the programme designed to keep low-income Americans out of hunger put in place when the recession was biting deepest, was allowed to expire in November, cutting benefits.

Acosta has learned to be creative with the children's meals. “ I used to buy Lunchables [lunch packs] for snacks, now I get a big pack of ham and cheese and we make our own. They say: 'Why can't we have Lunchables?' I tell them, 'This way they get more.' I buy larger packs of cheaper meat and stretch it out...The younger ones will have a tuna sandwich or Roma noodles, around 19 cents a pack. The older ones say 'This isn't even a meal.' ”

As these cuts begin to bite, even harsher reductions are in prospect. Republicans in the House of Representatives have proposed $38bn cuts over 10 years, in their latest version of a long-delayed farm bill that would also require new work requirements and drug tests for food stamp recipients. The House bill would deny Snap to 3.8 million low-income people in 2014, according to estimates by the Congressional Budget Office, and to an average of 3 million people a year for 10 years. Those who would find themselves no longer eligible include some of the nation's neediest individuals, working families, children and senior citizens. In addition, 200,000 families would lose access to subsidised school meals.

That would make it really difficult for people who struggle to find work like me to get back on their feet,” Acosta said.

Even since the November cuts took effect, those involved in emergency food distribution reported higher demand and longer lines, with new clients they had not seen before.  Demand is outpacing supply. Of the 58,000 clients fed by the San Antonio Food Bank every week, Cooper said, half are working families, many are underemployed, the rest are seniors and people who, through mental or physical disability, cannot work. There are a lot of veterans in Texas, some of whom have been disabled through military service. But on the whole, Eric Cooper, the CEO said “Hunger is biased towards women and kids. A divorce, a separation can put a lot of women in poverty.”

Wednesday, December 25, 2013

Merry Marxmas


God rest ye merry socialists, let nothing you dismay
Remember there's no evidence there was a Christmas day.
When Christ was born just is not known, no matter what they say,
Glad tidings of reason & fact, reason & fact,
Glad tidings of reason & fact. 

There was no star of Bethlehem, there was no angel song,
There could have been no wise men, for the journey was too long,
The stories in the Bible are historically wrong,
Glad tidings of reason & fact, reason & fact,
Glad tidings of reason & fact. 

Much of our Christmas custom comes from Persia & from Greece,
From solstice celebrations of the ancient Middle East,
Our so-called Christmas holiday is but a pagan feast,
Glad tidings of reason & fact, reason & fact,
Glad tidings of reason & fact. 
author unknown

Although Christians celebrate December 25 as the birthday of Christ, no one in the first two Christian centuries had any knowledge of the exact day or year in which he was born. Most Christians were more interested with the story of his death. However, early in the fourth-century, Church fathers, who were concerned about the popularity of Mithraism, designated December 25th, the traditional birthday of the sun god Mithras, as Christ's official birth date. The celebration of the birth of Christ also took over the pagan winter solstice holiday, which like the birthday of Mithras, fell in late December. From thereon, December 25th was to be observed at a holy mass, or "Christ's Mass." 336AD is the first recorded celebration of Christmas on December 25 occurs in Rome.

Tuesday, December 24, 2013

Scientific socialism


It is a symptom in a crisis of capitalism that the naive faith in the harmony of the capitalist system is shattered in the minds both of practical businessmen and of the theoreticians of capitalist economy. Yet the conventional economists still believe that crises can be avoided, that the swings of the economic pendulum dampened down, the irregularities of the trade cycle ironed out, by some adaptation of the monetary or credit system, by state intervention, by a more equal distribution of incomes with the help of taxation. In short, by reforms which would improve the workings of the capitalist system without touching its basis - private property in the means of production. The various proposals are based on the conviction that nothing is fundamentally wrong with the economic system. A economic crisis is not so much to be explained as to be explained away.

Marx’s economic theories were  killed off and buried generations ago; the university professors tell us so. Ideas must be met with ideas. The Marxist theory makes it clear beyond doubt that there will be crises as long as capitalism exists  and under the contradictory conditions of the capitalist system, there will always remain that curse of recurring crises. The cure of the evil to change the basis of economic life that the satisfaction of the needs of the people, instead of capitalist profit. Instead we are often presented with the “socialism” of those good people, on the Left,  who earnestly wish to remove the inconveniences and injustices of our present social state, but who also wish a little more earnestly to preserve the cause of these inconveniences, who wish at once to suppress or abolish the exploitation of the worker and to preserve the capitalist form of society.

Marx’s main contribution to political economy consists in this, – he started where his predecessors left off. With Marx, value and surplus-value became the key with which he unlocked the inner workings of capitalist society, moreover, showing capitalist society to be one of the many stages of social evolution. Marx dissolved the mechanical view of society, held by his predecessors, into an evolutionary conception of human history.  Marx welded the various categories into a chain of evolutionary causation of the rise and dissolution of the capitalist industrial system, holding to the view that behind the empirical movements and appearances there is a law, a principle, underlying and controlling them, and to which, despite all deviations, they conform. And science consists, not in describing empirical sensations, but in finding their law and causation, of grouping and interpreting them accordingly which is scientific socialism.

 The kernel of Marx’s economic ideas is the labour-time theory of value. What the worker sells on the market—his labour-power— is not and never will be paid “by results”; that is to say, by the total wealth or value-equivalent of what he produces. His wage is paid on “the cost of living”, and his cost of living is far less than the wealth or the value he contributes. This conviction that the working class is robbed of by far the major portion of the wealth it plays the essential part in producing and distributing is the basis of Marxist economics. The only thing which the worker can sell is his or her labour-power. What is paid under the form of wages is not, the price of the labour furnished, but is the price of the power made use of, a price that supply and demand cause to oscillate about and especially below its value determined, like the value of any other commodity, by the labor-time socially necessary for its production, or in other words, by the sum which will normally enable the labourer to maintain and perpetuate his or her labour-power - the cost of living. Workers furnish a value greater than that which they receive. The duration (or intensity) of labour required for a given wage,  exceeds the time necessarily occupied by the laborer in adding to the value of the means of production consumed, a value equal to that wage; and the labour thus furnished over and above that which represents the equivalent of what the laborer gets, constitutes surplus-labour. Surplus-labour then is unpaid labour. On the side of the capitalist, on account of the fierce war of competition with low prices as weapons which rages throughout the field of production, it is financial suicide for the employer to extract from his work-force less unpaid labour than his competitors do. Capitalists are personally powerless to ameliorate the state of affairs.

In order to live, one has to work and to be able to perform any sort of work, one must have at his or her disposal the instruments and the means of labour. Now, these tools and this material are the property of the capitalists. Those who are only in possession of  their own labour-power (or physical capacity for work) are compelled, being unable to live otherwise, to sell the use of that power to the capitalists.  Through their possession of the means of production, the capitalists are, in fact, masters of all who are unable to use their own labour-power themselves, nor able to live without using it. From this economic dependence flows the existence of two distinct classes: on the one hand, those who control the means of labour; on the other, those for whom the actual use of those means is the sole possibility of life - they are the capitalist and the worker.

 Socialists are not the cause of the existence of classes because they recognise their existence. Modern industry has  forced workers to understand the need  of association or combination in their disputes with the possessors of the means of labour, and thus the interests to be defended have to the workers less and less the false aspect of individualistic interests but they appear to them in their naked reality as class interests. Born of the conditions of life imposed upon them in a capitalist society, their class activity takes on a political character. Having strived for and come into possession of political rights, the workers are obviously led to make use of these rights on behalf of their own interests. Inevitably, therefore, the political struggle is a class struggle which cannot end until the political power is placed in the hands of the workers and lead to the disappearance of classes as a direct consequence. Therefore, the class struggle is not an invention of the socialists, but the very substance of the facts and acts of history in the making that are daily taking place under their eyes.

Whether or not a revolutionary situation is arises, the task undertaken by socialists consists in educating the working class, in rendering them conscious of their condition. To win for socialism the greatest possible number of partisans. The Socialist Party of Great Britain is the only party which pursues these aims in a practical fashion, by basing its tactics on the economic conditions of the environment. What is the use, therefore, of talking of anything but socialism? Why waste time talking about  events and  circumstances  forced upon us in the future, but of a character of which no-one can define or describe to-day? Instead of allowing ourselves to be led astray by our various fantastic notions, let us here as elsewhere examine the facts and see what conclusions they impose upon us. Socialism flows from the facts, it follows them and does not precede them - it is scientific.

Monday, December 23, 2013

Working Class Stupidity

Glasgow gamblers spent more than £800 million to feed slot machines in one year.
At the same time the number of bookmakers in Glasgow leapt by one-fifth as Scots became addicted to the casino machines. New figures show there are now 250 betting shops in the city, up from 210 shortly after gaming laws were loosened in 2005.

Another Example Of Exploitation

Capitalism distorts everything it touches. It even distorts the English language. The use of the term "earned" is a case in point. 'Jonathan Ruffer, the philanthropic fund manager, is believed to have earned close to £12m last year after another bumper performance by his botique investment firm. Pre-tax profits at Ruffer Management rose 6% to £115m.' (Sunday Times, 22 December) How did Ruffer "earn" a million quid per month? He didn't of course. He exploited men and women of the working class by that staggering figure. That is the basis of the capitalism system. RD

It’s Up to Us


Hunger, poverty, unemployment, racial and sexual discrimination, and many other forms of repression, from the restriction of the most basic democratic rights like freedom of speech and association to the hideous barbarism of torture and genocide, are still the lot of the majority of the people of the world. Far from diminishing with the progress of science and technology, the various forms of misery endured by the masses are growing. The gulf between the rich and the poor, between the powerful and the dispossessed, is steadily widening.

The working class has a historical mission to unite its class behind one revolutionary banner and to overthrow the capitalist class, a class which has seized political power through treachery, robbery, plunder, genocide and vicious exploitation of the whole working class. The capitalists are acutely aware of the working class. They have made it known that workers have no right to fight against capitalist exploitation, no right to organise itself into associations of its own choice, and must remain a slave class under the dictatorship of the rich and powerful.

In a big business, there is always an owner or many shareholders that live off the work of others: these are the ones who really hold the power! The shop-floor management are only their watchdogs; they apply the rules the capitalist owners dictate; they “direct” the workers in such a way as to insure as much profit as possible, and when the industry is facing difficulties, they are charged with the laying-off, or they do the “pushing” to raise production; they also try to create division among the workers as they fight against their union or try to buy off their representatives. That is but one aspect of the capitalists’ power. As masters of production and of the economy, they control the state and the mass media. All the big newspapers, radio and television defend the outlook of those who invest in them, and they try to turn the people away from the true problems. The owners of capital continue to control production.

The basis for the profits of the capitalists is the exploitation of labour week by week, month by month and year by year.  The capitalists engage in most vicious fights with one another in order to enrich themselves at the cost of other capitalists where many are reduced to bankruptcy, while a minority get richer and richer and on the basis of maximum exploitation of the working class. Capitalists have only one reason for being – to accumulate more and more capital. They are therefore always looking for ways to increase the productivity of labour. The capitalists strive to make the working class servile to capital. They wish the capitalist system would remain forever. The working,class is basically disunited. There are no united struggles of the entire working class, and the capitalists’ agents have been able to split the working class into as many sections, trades and crafts as possible. As a result, there are struggles being fought of a trade, craft or section of the working class in isolation from the entire working class, but against the entire capitalist class. To fight any battle with the capitalists, the unity of the entire working class is absolutely necessary and essential.

Those who are deceived by the propaganda that we should pose“minimum” demands is to plead with the government for reforms and the “maximum” demand to overthrow the capitalist system, must wake up and see through the anti-working class consequences of this policies. These groups that have been talking about “minimum” demands for decades upon decades.  The capitalists will only undertake reform in order to strengthen the capitalist system. They do pick up reformist demands and put them into practice. There are many demands of the which are good for the capitalist system, and it is for this reason that they pick them up. But the real demands of the working people will never be taken up by the capitalists.  The capitalists will never agree with the right to sell labour power at the price agreeable to the labourer. They will never improve the working and living conditions nor will they provide job security and full employment. These are unachievable hopes. As far as the Socialist Party is concerned, it does not matter how much actual riches any one capitalist has hoarded and how much these leeches  are paying taxes or hiding off-shore.  Too often the slogan of “equalising of the distribution of wealth” means the equalising of wealth amongst the capitalists.

If a party does not want to abolish capitalist exploitation, it can only serve capitalism – its role is similar of that of the foreman in the plant. All the things that are tied to the state, the army, the laws, the injunctions, the taxation systems, are according to the needs of the capitalist class, not according to the will of politicians. In regard to the parliamentary circus and the disputes among politicians , one must see that the capitalists as the ringmaster and the elected  politicians as the performing seals.

If the Left truly had at heart the interests of the workers, why don’t they denounce the very essence of exploitation, the capitalists system? They call themselves “socialists,” but that doesn’t mean anything – these are hollow words. One is not truly a socialist who does not want to abolish the private ownership of the means of production and who does not want to expropriate the capitalists.  They fight each other for their own interests instead of attacking the system itself. The workers should oppose notions that workers should leave politics to the political leaders and party cadres. Building the unity of the working class is its own task. The working class will emancipate itself. The social revolution is an immense task. To achieve victory over capitalism the working class must organise itself on a solid base and have a political party under its own direction!

The exploited have aspired to a better life where the living conditions of all would be in keeping with society’s ability to use the wealth of nature. They have yearned for a society where all injustice would be banished forever, a society with no trace of corruption, a society in which the weak would no longer be oppressed by the strong, a society in which one class would no longer be exploited by another. Humanity has reached a turning point in its history. The dreams of the past have become real possibilities for a future that can already be foreseen, because the material conditions necessary for achieving them are growing steadily. Working people are becoming increasingly aware that this society can only’be achieved through revolution. Only a socialist  revolution can put an end to the capitalist relations of exploitation that are now the fundamental obstacle to further progress for mankind. This is the meaning of the struggle for a society of abundance, of justice and of freedom: socialism. The expropriation of the capitalists and the socialisation of the means of production will lead directly to the abolition of society divided into classes with opposing interests. The abolition of classes will in turn lead to the withering away of the State, and to its extinction, for the State is not, and can never be, anything other than the instrument of dictatorship of one class over others.

Sunday, December 22, 2013

Quote of the Day

"..the welfare state is being destroyed by the coalition government. In the east end of Glasgow where I live and work, I meet people in dire material need. One woman was forced to stop work by severe angina. During the tests introduced by the Department of Work and Pensions, she missed a medical appointment and was fined a week's benefits. Unable to pay her gas bill, she took a £50 loan from a high-street shark and had to pay back £75. She has no savings and cannot afford shoes and clothes.
Easterhouse Baptist Church has started a cafe one day a week. Tea and coffee is free, as is fruit for children, and hot snacks are cheap. A widow with three children stays the whole time, because the cafe is warm. A middle-aged man paying the wretched bedroom tax comes in once a fortnight. He cannot afford even the cheap snacks on a weekly basis. Recently, a man walked into the church not having eaten for three days...." - Bob Holman, The Guardian

The Uncaring Society

Capitalism is a callous uncaring society wherein the only priority is production for profit and the fate of the wealth producers is of little concern. A particularly awful example of this callousness was revealed recently. 'A project is being launched to raise awareness of malnutrition among elderly people, with government backing. Nearly a million over-65s in England suffer from untreated malnutrition, says charity Age UK - almost all of whom are in the community.' (BBCNews, 22 December) After a lifetime of producing profits for their masters the working class are often thrown  on the industrial scrapheap to suffer poverty, loneliness and even in some cases malnutrition. RD

Marx and Economix


Marx saw the aim of the working-class party as the preparation for and organisation of revolution – the overthrow of the ruling class of capitalist – and the organisation of a new system of production, socialism. A working-class party explains why, so long as capitalist production, continues, the struggle between classes must also go on, while economic crises and wars inflict terrible sufferings on the workers; but that the conflict and sufferings can be ended by changing the system of production, which involves the overthrow of the capitalist class.

Capitalism evolved out of feudal times. The typical feudal form of production was production for local consumption: food, clothing and other articles were produced by the serfs for themselves and for their feudal lords. Any surplus was sold in exchange for articles brought in from other countries or from other parts of the country. But the main part of production was still for consumption by the producers and the lord who had feudal rights over it.

When the feudalism began to break up that this form of production gradually gave way to production for profit, which is the essential mark of capitalism. Production for profit required two things: someone with enough resources to buy means of production (looms, spinning-machines and so on); and, secondly, people who had no means of production themselves, no resources by using which they could live. In other words, there had to be “capitalists,” who owned means of production, and workers whose only chance of getting a livelihood was to work the machines owned by the capitalists.

The workers produced things, not directly for themselves or for the personal use of their new “lord,” the capitalist, but for the capitalist to sell for money. Things made in this way are called “commodities” – that is, articles produced for sale on the market. The worker received wages, the employer received profit – something that was left after the consumer had paid for the articles, and after the capitalist had paid wages, the cost of raw materials and other costs of production.

What was the source of this profit? Marx pointed out that it could not possibly come from the capitalists selling the products above their value – this would mean that all capitalists were all the time cheating each other, and where one made a “profit” of this kind the other necessarily made a loss, and the profits and losses would cancel each other out, leaving no general profit. It therefore followed that the value of an article on the market must already contain the profit: the profit must arise in the course of production, and not in the sale of the product.

There has to be some factor in production which adds value greater than its cost (its own value). What is meant by “value.” In ordinary language, value can have two quite distinct meanings. It may mean value for use by someone – a thirsty man “values” a drink or a particular item may have a special  “sentimental value” for someone. But there is also another meaning in ordinary use – the value of a thing when sold on the market, by any seller to any buyer, which is what is known as its “exchange value.” What gives products their normal “exchange value” on the market? Why, for example, has a yard of cloth more exchange value than a pin?

Exchange value is measured in terms of money; an article is “worth” a certain amount of money. But what makes it possible for things to be compared with each other in value, whether through money or for direct exchange? Marx pointed out that things can only be compared in this way if there is something common to all of them, of which some have more and some less, so that a comparison is possible. This common factor is obviously not weight or colour or any other physical property; nor is it “use value” for human life (necessary foods have far less exchange value than motor cars) or any other abstraction. There is only one factor common to all products – they are produced by human labour. A thing has greater exchange value if more human labour has been put into its production; exchange value is determined by the “labour-time” spent on each article.

But, of course, not the individual labour-time. When things are bought and sold on a general market, their exchange value as individual products is averaged out, and the exchange value of any particular yard of cloth of a certain weight and quality is determined by the “average socially necessary labour-time” required for its production.

If this is the general basis for the exchange value of things produced under capitalism, what determines the amount of wages paid to the actual producer, the worker? Marx put the question in precisely the same way: what is the. common factor between things produced under capitalism and labour-power under capitalism, which we know also has an exchange value on the market? There is no such factor other than the factor which we have already seen determines the exchange value of ordinary products – the labour-time spent in producing them. What is meant by the labour-time spent in producing labour-power? It is the time (the average “socially necessary” time) spent in producing the food, shelter, warmth and other things which keep the worker from week to week. In normal capitalist society, the things necessary to maintain the family of the worker have also to be taken into account. The labour-time necessary for producing all these things determines the exchange value of the worker’s labour-power, which he sells to the capitalist for wages.

But while, in modern capitalist society, the time spent in maintaining the worker’s labour-power may be only four hours a day, his power to labour lasts eight, ten or more hours a day. For the first four hours each day, therefore, his actual labour is producing the equivalent of what is paid to him in wages; for the remaining hours of his working day he is producing “surplus value” which his employer appropriates. This is the source of capitalist profit – the value produced by the worker over and above the value of his own keep – that is, the wages he receives.

The term “exchange value” has been used, because this is the basis of the whole analysis. But in actual life things hardly ever sell at precisely their exchange value. Whether material products or human labour power, they are bought and sold on the market at a price, which may be either above or below the correct exchange value. There may be a surplus of the particular product on the market, and the price that day may be far below the correct exchange value; or, if there is a shortage, the price may rise above the value. These fluctuations in price are, in fact, influenced by “supply and demand,” and this led many capitalist economists to think that supply and demand was the sole factor in price. But it is clear that supply and demand only cause fluctuations about a definite level. What that level is, whether it is one penny or a hundred pounds, is clearly not determined by supply and demand, but by the labour-time used in producing the article.

The actual price of labour-power – the actual wages paid – is also influenced by supply and demand; but it is influenced by other factors as well – the strength of trade union organisation in particular. Nevertheless, the price of labour-power in ordinary capitalist society always fluctuates around a definite level – the equivalent of the worker’s keep, taking into account that the various grades and groups of workers have varying needs, which are themselves largely the result of previous trade union struggles establishing a standard above the lowest minimum standard for existence. The labour-power of different grades of workers is not, of course, identical in value; an hour’s work of a skilled engineer produces more value than an hour’s work of an unskilled labourer. Marx showed that such differences were in fact accounted for when articles were sold on the market, which, as he put it, recorded a definite relation between what the more skilled worker made in an hour and what the labourer made in an hour.

How does this difference in value come about? Marx answers: not on any “principle” that skill is ethically better than lack of skill or any other abstract notion. The fact that a skilled worker’s labour-power has more exchange value than the labourer’s is due to exactly the same factor that makes a steamship more valuable than a rowing-boat – more human labour has gone to the making of it. The whole process of training the skilled worker, besides the higher standard of living which is essential for the maintenance of his skill, involves more labour-time.

Another point to note is that if the intensity of labour is increased beyond what was the previous average, this is equivalent to a longer labour-time; eight hours of intensified labour may produce values equivalent to ten or twelve hours of what was previously normal labour.

What is the importance of the analysis made by Marx to show the source of profit? It is that it explains the class struggle of the capitalist period. In each factory or other enterprise the wages paid to the workers are not the equivalent of the full value they produce, but only equal to about half this value, or even less. The rest of the value produced by the worker during his working day (i.e. after he has produced the equivalent of his wages) is taken outright by his employer. The employer is therefore constantly trying to increase the amount taken from the worker. He can do this in several ways: for example, by reducing the worker’s wages; this means that the worker works a less proportion of the day for himself, and a greater proportion for the employer. The same result is achieved by “speeding up” or intensifying the labour – the worker produces his keep in a smaller proportion of the working day, and works a larger proportion for his employer. The same result, again, is achieved by lengthening the working day, which increases the proportion of the working day spent in working for the employer. On the other hand, the worker fights to improve his own position by demanding higher wages and shorter hours and by resisting “speeding up.” Hence the continuous struggle between the capitalists and the workers, which can never end so long as the capitalist system of production lasts.

 Also to be noted is that the “surplus value” created by the worker in the course of production is not all kept by his employer. It is, so to speak, a fund from which different capitalist groups take their pickings – the landowner takes rent, the banker takes interest, the middleman takes his “merchant’s profit,” and the actual industrial employer only gets what is left as his own profit. This in no way affects the preceding analysis; it only means that all these capitalist sections are, as it were, carrying on a certain subsidiary struggle among themselves for the division of the spoils. But they are all united in wanting to get the utmost possible out of the working class.

Then there is another most important factor in the development of capitalism – competition. Like all other factors in capitalist production, it has two contradictory results. On the one hand, because of competition to win larger sales of products, each capitalist enterprise is constantly trying to reduce production costs, especially by saving wages – through direct wage reductions or by speeding-up or other forms of rationalisation. On the other hand, those enterprises which succeed in getting enough capital to improve their technique and produce with less labour are thereby contributing to the general process described above – the reduction of demand owing to the total wages paid out being reduced.

Nevertheless, the enterprise which improves its technique makes a higher rate of profit for a time – until its competitors follow suit and also produce with less labour. But not all its competitors can follow suit. As the average concern gets larger and larger, greater amounts of capital are needed to modernise a plant, and the number of companies that can keep up the pace grows smaller. The other concerns on to the wall – they become bankrupt and are either taken over by their bigger competitors or are closed down altogether. “One capitalist kills many.” Thus in each branch of industry the number of separate concerns is steadily reduced: big corporations appear, which more or less dominate a particular field of industry. Thus out of capitalist competition comes its opposite – capitalist monopoly.

Fewer Festive Feasts

 Desperate Scots are turning to food banks and soup kitchens in soaring numbers across the country, new research has found. More than 20,000 people have received food handouts in the last six months alone Hundred of people in Glasgow are expected to go hungry over the festive period, with the numbers turning to food banks at a worrying high. New figures from charity The Trussell Trust, which runs four food banks in the city, show the numbers accessing their lifeline services has more than doubled. Some 27,603 meals have been handed out by just three food banks in the city in the last three months. Since September, 1417 have been fed by the Truss-ell Trust food bank in Scotstoun, 1365 by the Govanhill branch and 285 by the service in Parkhead. That is 29 people a day, compared to 12 people a day in the first six months of 2013/14.There are more than 15 food banks in the city run by other groups and churches. 

A Scottish Government report identified 55 food banks and soup kitchens in eight towns and cities, but the overall Scotland-wide figure is likely to be much higher.

Many Scots turning to food banks in recent years are not long-term homeless, but have run into “one-off” money difficulties, as wages slump and benefits fall. Ewan Gurr, Scotland Development Officer with the Trust explained “The number of men, women and children living on a financial knife-edge due to a lethal cocktail of rising living costs, welfare reform and minimal employment opportunities is unacceptable...”

Saturday, December 21, 2013

Common Work for the Common Pot


Fear can hold you prisoner. Hope can set you free.

Even the bosses can’t cover up the fact that the world economy is still deep in a crisis.  But the bosses are keeping up their drive for profits. Workers know all about their “solution” to the problem: cuts in wages and pensions, redundancies and  closures to rationalise, new technology and faster and faster automation, direct government subsides to prop up profits. To protect their profits, the bosses are at our throats more fiercely than ever before. They’re using the situation to eliminate job security for everyone, including the older workers supposedly protected by seniority. Everywhere the bosses are putting these men in harder jobs in order to force them out – out of a job as well as out of a pension that they have contributed to for half a lifetime. The management sharks replace them with some of the millions of unemployed who are looking for work. The new workers are offered new temporary or zero-hour contracts that provide no protection at all, and are often fired at the end of three months “probation”. It’s happening in every in. All this is happening while the profit keep on rolling in and stashed safely away from the tax-man in some off-shore haven

Work is human activity for the purpose of useful production. Work has always been the basis for human life, the creator of man's well-being and culture. Employment is toiling for  capitalists  and being exploited by them.  The term work ought to be reserved for voluntary activity and the welfare of society. Work is a means not only for creating goods that support the existence of mankind and society, but also for the self-improvement of the individual and of humanity. There is no really human existence imaginable without work. But drudgery is the enemy of human dignity and self-development. As a rule we dislike labour for the purposes of others, forced activity not of our choice.

 It is true that wage employment appears like voluntary work, but it is not. Slavery was enforced by superior power; and similarly  no independent peoples have ever been found who would voluntarily work for wages. Indeed, it was by deceitfully calling wage labour “free labour”. People did not jump at it, but reluctantly and with a certain amount of resistance, they accepted the new conditions because they had no longer possessed their own means of livelihood, having had them forcibly removed. The new wage-slaves could be goaded into twofold or threefold more efforts than chattel slaves could ever be forced to furnish. The latter could not forget that the laws of nature in them rebelled against doing their full measure of possible performance. But wage slaves would forget it under the deceptive appearance of freedom; they would still more refuse to listen to the warning voice not to sacrifice health, longevity, and comfort for the profit of capitalists. They would, regardless of consequences, overwork themselves in the hope of saving in a comparatively short time sufficient wealth to become themselves capitalists or “self-made men.” Stifling that inner voice, the wage-slaves were gradually rendered more helpless, and, unaware of their dignity as free individuals , constrained themselves to perform labour of the most uniform, mind-killing, disgusting, and brutalising kind, and to become slaves of machines, parts of a machine, employed by the machine, and stimulated to work as quick as the machine would command, all for the benefit of the profit-mongers. Every year statistics publish the annual catalogues of death, disablement and disease suffered by workers in the cause of profit.

Have your noticed how much labour the boss wants you to do for a living? Every time there is the slightest excuse, he increases the hours. One excuse seems to be as good as another. If there is a big demand for products, he wants you to work overtime to get the stuff out; while if there is a slack market, the employer suggests that you put in an extra hour or so to cheapen the cost of production. He claims that he cannot afford to pay you the wages you have been getting unless you make more profit for him. If a new process is installed, he wants you to work overtime in order to pay for putting it in; and if the process saves labour, he points out to you that you have to work longer now, because it would be a waste of his machinery if it is idle.

In the displacement of labour by machinery, the performing by a machine of work hitherto done by human beings, we should always remember that it is not the machine, nor its inventor that is at fault. The fault lies in the system which permits individuals to own the machine, and use it to destroy the happiness of the workers, instead of making it the social property of society, to be used to lessen the labour whilst increasing the comforts of all. In other words, the machine itself might be a blessing, but the private ownership of the machine has made it an unmitigated curse.

You submit to employment to make a living, and you must work long enough to produce the value of that living. Your boss looks at this differently. He is not just interested in keeping you alive, he wants something for himself which he has no intention of working for. He wants you to work for it. Every hour that you put in, over and above what provides for your living, is clear profit for the boss, or someone in his class.

The wage system makes life precarious for workers. The payment of wages entails the power to dismiss the worker by officials. So long as the money system remains, each productive enterprise must be run on a paying basis. Therefore it will tend to aim at employing as few workers as possible, in order to spend less on wages. It will also tend to dismiss the less efficient worker who, becoming unemployed, becomes less efficient. Thus an unemployable class tends to grow in numbers. The existence of a wage system almost inevitably leads to unequal wages; overtime, bonuses, higher pay for work requiring special qualifications.

But there is no cure for the scourge of capitalism. The system can’t be salvaged – and it isn’t worth saving anyhow.

The country life

There has been a significant shift in the ownership of Scottish estates in recent years with a move from people buying them to enjoy their retirement, to wealthy individuals, often from overseas, who are attracted to the sports on offer. In the last year buyers spent around £54 million on shooting and fishing properties, with a large interest from Scandinavia. Experts even believe that Scots estates are becoming more attractive as prices for property in London rocket.

Although only five or six estates with sought-after grouse shooting or salmon fishing are sold each year, there has been no sign that the recent financial crisis has slowed the market. One estate renowned for its grouse shooting sold for almost £20 million this year, with two properties selling for between £8 and £10 million. The total worth of the estate market this year was up £10 million this year.

“The market for sporting estates is now dominated by high net worth individuals seeking good quality sport in beautiful surroundings, away from the incessant demands of business life. All of this can be found from deep within the grouse butt.” estate agents Savills, Evelyn Channing, of the company’s rural department, said.

Charles Dudgeon, head of the firm’s rural agency, said two thirds of viewers originated from Europe, and in particular from Scandinavia, with strong interest from Denmark. He said: “Acquiring a Scottish country estate is still a popular ‘trophy buy’, and with the recent significant property price growth in London, the Scottish Highlands have never looked better value for money. It is possible to buy 10,000 acres in the Highlands, with a Grade A listed nine-bedroom castle and 10 ancillary dwellings for the same price as a 3-bedroomed flat in Knightsbridge.”

Savills is currently marketing the 10,000-acre, £7.5 million Cluny estate near Kingussie in Inverness-shire, which has “walked-up” grouse shooting, stalking, pheasant shooting, salmon fishing and a seven-bedroomed castle. The estate is being sold by Alain Angelil, 70, an Egyptian-born telecoms tycoon who is based in Norway and bought the property in 2000. It includes a farming enterprise and 10 estate houses and cottages. Cluny Castle was the ancestral home of the MacPhersons of Cluny until the direct line died out in 1943. Dudgeon said the interest in Cluny and other estates had been “global”, with two thirds of viewers coming from Europe.

Jobs for the boys and girls too

Andreana Adamson was singled out in the report when she was the chief executive of the state hospital at Carstairs  that examined payments totalling about £50,000 divided among a handful of senior employees and allegations of bullying of staff at Carstairs. Eligibility for the payments had not been considered by the Carstairs board through its remuneration committee. Instead, they had been given the “de facto” approval of board chairman Terry Currie, who had been left forms to sign by the chief executive. Junior workers had their pay frozen at the time. Adamson stepped aside as chief executive six months ago. The inquiry found “issues” around “leadership, culture and behaviour” at the hospital. “This is most often linked to the issue of bullying and harassment,” the report said. “Whilst this investigation was not focused on any specific allegation of bullying behaviour, it was, nonetheless, a running theme throughout.”

Andreana Adamson is now to be the NHS director health and justice.  She will retain the same pay and conditions in her new role.

Friday, December 20, 2013

Modern Slavery

Slavery is not yet abolished. So long as the worker is deprived of ownership and control of the instruments of production, so long as the workers'  labour-power is a commodity which they are obliged to sell to another, we are not free, be he or she white or black. He or she is simply a slave to a master and from morning until night is as much a bondsman as any negro cotton picker on the plantations ever were. Slaves are cheaper now and do more work than at any time in the world’s history. The same principle of subjection that ruled in the chattel system rules in the wage system. What does slavery consist?

It consists in the compulsory using of men for the benefit of the user. One who is forced to yield to another a part of the product of his toil is a slave. That the worker can today change masters does not alter the fact. The plantation blacks were slaves, not because of a certain master, but because they must yield a part of the wealth they produced to a master. Today they may desert one master but they must look for another or starve, and this necessity constitutes continued slavery. Under the old  system a slave was sure of a master and consequently  livelihood. One of the greatest curses of modern slavery is the fear of the slave that he or she may lose a position of servitude. Many a wage slave would gladly exchange their freedom to leave their master for a guarantee that their master would not discharge them. Formerly the masters overbid each other to get the slaves, today, the slaves underbid each other to get a master, and not to get a master means starvation. The loss of the security of existence is the fearful price which the worker has been obliged to pay for so-called liberty.

The insecurity of the wage worker is the greatest curse of the present system. Closely connected with this is the dependence which inheres in the wage system. The wage workers are absolutely dependent for their daily bread upon the favour or whim of their master. Indeed, the wage earner is a wage slave. The intensity of this slavery depends upon the amount of time which the workers are compelled to work gratuitously for others. Under present conditions they must work the greater portion of their time for some one else. It is thus that the wage-earning class is a slave to the employing class. Workers may change their master, but they are still at the mercy of the master class. The choice of the chattel slave was between work and the lash, the choice of a wage slave is between work and starvation. The whip of hunger is all sufficient to drive the wage slave to his task. The worker today, then, is a slave, bound by the pressure of economic wants to compulsory servitude to idle capitalist masters. Workers are obliged to sell their liberties in exchange for the means of subsistence. A worker is under the greatest tyranny of which it is possible to conceive — the tyranny of want.  By this lash men and women are driven to work long hours and in unpleasand and unhealthy occupations and to live in tenement slums in our inner cities or housing estate sprawls that for vileness would surpass the slave quarters of old.

The person who has no work or is compelled to submit to wages dictated by a corporation, and is at the beck and call of a master for ten hours a day has not much personal liberty to brag of over the chattel slave. It is quite evident that the working class has not yet secured anything worthy to be called freedom and are still in need of emancipation.

Socialism is the only remedy it is the only escape from personal or class rule. It would put an end to economic despotism and establish popular self-government in the industrial realm. Economic democracy is a corollary of political democracy.

We want every person engaged in industry whether male or female, white or black, young or old to have a voice in making the rules under which they must work. In socialism the workers would elect their own administrators, regulate their hours of work and determine the conditions and intensity under which production would be carried on. We may be sure that when this power is vested in the producing class the factories will be arranged according to convenience and beauty and well lit, heated and ventilated and every precaution taken against accidents. In other words, in socialism the labourers would have absolute freedom in the economic sphere in place of the present absolute servitude. Socialists emphasise the need of this economic freedom, for it is the basis of all freedom. Intellectual and moral freedom is practically nullified today through the absence of economic liberty.

Not only would socialism secure to the producers greater liberty within the economic sphere, but what would be of more importance is the liberty would be offered to all outside the sphere of wage-slavery. The real restrictions today are economic. We are prevented from doing the things we would like to do, not by governmental restrictions, but by limited means. If one would like to take a trip abroad. No statute prohibits it, but only restricted by the lack of the needed resources.

 But it is not only freedom of labour but freedom from labour that socialists seek. With a scientific organisation of industry, eliminating all the wastes of the present system, two or three hours a day would suffice to supply all the comforts and even luxuries of life. This would secure to the labourer the leisure necessary to enable him to develop his faculties and which could be devoted to recreation and travel.

Socialism, then, would secure to the labourers the utmost freedom both within and without the economic sphere. It would enable men and omen to live as human beings and would secure to each, regardless of  nationality, the best opportunity for free development and movement. There can be no liberty in economic dependence. The individual who is in want or in the fear of want is not free. No-o is free if they do not possess the means of livelihood. As long as they must look to the pleasure or profit of another for a living they are not independent and without independence there can be no freedom. Freedom will become the heritage of all as soon as socialism is realised because it will guarantee to all security, independence and prosperity by securing labour to all and recompensing each according to needs. Socialism contains the only hope for civilisation. True liberty and freedom can only be attained in the cooperative commonwealth. Socialism recognises no class nor race nor gender distinction. It draws no line of exclusion.

The struggle between the black and white, between native and foreign born  to sell themselves in the auction of the new slave market has, in many quarters, engendered bitter feelings, and that they might bid the fiercer against each other the masters have fanned this prejudice into hate. This antagonism will cease in socialism, and with it the hatred which springs from all class conflicts. It will even disappear under the present system just in proportion as workers recognise the solidarity of human labour. Socialism emphasises the fact that the interests of all members of the working class are identical regardless of race or sex. In this common class interest race distinctions are forgotten. If this is true of socialists today, how much more will it be true when humanity is lifted to the higher plane where the economic interests of all are identical.

Socialism, then, offers the joys and privileges of an emancipated humanity. It proposes and equal opportunity for the attainment of wealth and progress Socialism will obtain the enjoyment of the inalienable rights of all men and women to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Today, in common with all wage slaves, we are deprived by an economic system of inequality, of the privilege of exercising such rights. In the new economic environment where the people will enjoy equality of opportunity, we will take on a new development. The only hope for humanity is in socialism, that system of society that gives to every individual, without regard to race, colour or sex, an equal opportunity to develop the best within themselves. In such a society an individual’s social position will be determined by the use he makes of his opportunities by what he becomes. Socialism, then, is the only hope for the World. To realise this ideal is the mission of the working class. Modern production is wiping out all distinction of race, nationality and colour and dividing society into two classes — the workers and the capitalists. The interests of these two classes are diametrically opposed, and the time has come for the exploited to join hands at the ballot box against the common enemy capitalism.

The Socialist Party of Great Britain is the only political organisation that has anything to offer. The Conservatives and Labour Parties are both parties of capitalism, and could not help if they would, and would not if they could. There is absolutely no choice between these two parties. They both represent the interests of the capitalist class and their sham battles are for the purpose of dividing the working class into various factions lest they unite to secure their freedom.



Poor Exam Results

St Ninian’s High School and  Williamwood High School came first and second in a nationwide league table based on exam results. Once again, the league tables illustrate the gap between schools in affluent areas and those in more deprived parts of the country.

While only 6.2 per cent of pupils at St Ninian’s and 5.1 per cent of those at Williamwood received free meals, just a few miles away at Govan High School, 43.2 per cent of pupils received free school dinners. Govan High was among those schools where none of the S4 roll went on to pass five or more Highers in S5, as was another Glasgow school, St Margaret Mary’s Secondary in Castlemilk.

At Northfield Academy in Aberdeen, where 27.9 per cent of pupils receive free school meals, no pupils left with five Highers or more. In contrast, 40 per cent of pupils at nearby Cults Academy – where only 2.9 per cent receive free meals – got five Highers or more.

In Edinburgh, not one pupil at Castlebrae Community High or Craigroyston Community High achieved five Highers or more, although another poor performer, Wester Hailes Education Centre, improved its score from zero per cent last year to one per cent in 2013.

Larry Flanagan, general-secretary of the Educational Institute of Scotland, the country’s largest teaching union, said “Deprivation continues to impact adversely on the attainment of too many pupils”

Thursday, December 19, 2013

TO BE FREE, YOU MUST DARE TO BE FREE


The British capitalist economy remains in the grip of the crisis, the worst crisis since the thirties. We in the Socialist Party keep arguing that it was not the bankers but the capitalist, system which is at fault.  Such crises are an inescapable feature of the capitalist system. This system cannot ensure the harmonious growth of the economy, cannot ensure work and well being for all the working people, cannot avoid economic crises. Capitalist society is built upon our sweat and blood, our misery and want. Our victories on the economic field are turned against us, and our economic slavery is reinforced by an absolute political dictatorship of capitalism. Capitalists, as a class, run no risks whatever; the unfortunate in the competitive struggle for gain are simply wiped out by their competitors, who benefit by their downfall. Shareholders in capitalist companies rarely or never render any service to the company, or the community, as shareholders. In the vast majority of cases they have never visited the enterprises from which they draw their dividends.

Thus our economic struggle must of necessity become a political one. The class struggle ceases to be a struggle for higher wages and shorter hours, and becomes a struggle for the supremacy of the working class. The greedy employers are howling for lower wages and the further deterioration of working conditions.

Under capitalism, with its wage slavery, the worker and his family are nominally free; but, as we have seen, the land, the tools and all the product of his or her labour belong to the employing class. The workers are at liberty to change their individual masters, if they can, that is all. There is a continuous class war between wage slaves and the capitalist class, with its parasites. So long as wages are paid by one class to another class, so long will men and women remain slaves to the employing class.

So today the government is preparing the new attack on the whole working class by a preliminary drive against the foreign-born workers by advocating that all foreign-born workers be registered like criminals, photographed, and fingerprinted. The aims of this capitalist drive against the great mass of foreign-born workers are plain. First, the exploiters want to lower the standard of living and the conditions of employment of millions of our workers who happen to be foreign migrants. Then they will blame and attack these worse oppressed and more ruthlessly exploited foreign workers to the native workers for the degrading conditions they themselves have forced upon these labourers. The capitalists are thus hoping to sow dissension in and divide the working class in order to crush more easily all the workers, native and foreign alike. The workers must marshal their forces and close their ranks in defence of their unions and, indeed,  their lives! Wage slaves cannot emancipate themselves from slavery to the employing class, until they themselves cease to compete with one another for wages.

Wage-earners are thrown out of employment, not because they are clamouring for impossible wages, still less because they are unwilling to work, but because the employing class itself cannot produce at a loss, and therefore shuts down its factories or only runs them on short time. Wages paid in money seem to workers to come to them from above, instead of being only the value of a portion of the goods they themselves produce, paid to them in the form of money. They owe this blunder to their own condition of servitude.

Workers are not organised politically to meet their enemy. We do not have a powerful party of the worker,  an independent working class political party unreservedly committed to the protection of the interests of the workers. The Socialist Party is painfully aware of the fact that today the overwhelming majority of the working class is not yet sufficiently class-conscious or convinced of the necessity of socialism.

The object of a Socialist Party is socialism. To that end the education and organisation of the working class and their conversion to socialist principles is essential. We cannot have socialism without socialists. Therefore, the first job of a socialist party is propaganda, in order to make socialists. The winning of seats in Parliament may well serve as useful means of serving these objects; but they are only means, and not the only means, and they must certainly not be permitted to supersede the objects themselves. No socialist will deny that it is a help to the movement to win a Parliamentary seat for socialism; but it is a hindrance rather than a help if the seat is won by a sacrifice of principle or by any sort of compromise which restricts the liberty of action of the socialist elected. When our men and women go to Parliament they want to go with a direct socialist mandate, and if they cannot go with that they had better stay outside. It is of no importance to us that this, that, or the other individual should be elected to the House of Commons. It is vital however, that a socialist should be elected and a seat won for socialism.  From this standpoint, therefore, it is better for a socialist to fight and be beaten as a socialist than to fight and win under any other banner.  Because we are such a small minority our most important work is to be done, not in Parliament but in the country at large. Our value will be agitational.

Reformism is trickery used to keep the working class under wage slavery. Reformists maintain that we can arrive at a certain “socialism” by winning reforms one after the other. What they don’t say is that whatever the bosses has to give up with one hand after a hard struggle, he will just take back with the other.  Socialists make no compromises with capitalism; they fight it relentlessly. To fight against reformism means to stop creating illusions about capitalism. The workers cannot wage a successful struggle against their own exploiting class and at the same time put their trust in organisations that have been and are hampering and betraying the struggles of their brothers and sisters here and  in other countries. The workers must organise an independent working class mass political party consisting of all workers. The Socialist Party calls upon all workers to join into one mighty army, to present one common front against the one common enemy, the employing class!

There are two roads we can follow. One way is to say: “Well, that’s too hard to deal with and let’s just deal with the easy problems, just with the day-to-day problems. Let’s just talk to the workers about things they can agree with us and understand, not about revolution and socialism because that turns them off.”
Others will agree and say, “This system’s too big, it’s too big what we’re going against, I got enough problems in my factory, in my community. I got enough problems in my home so don’t talk to me about that kind of stuff.

We however in the Socialist Party respond by declaring we should all really look and understand what’s happening in the world and this country and not keep it to ourselves but go out and struggle with our fellow workers and arm them with that understanding, so that when the time comes we can make revolution. It is only by understanding how capitalism runs against the interests of working people, of how capitalism must be fought by the working class and all others who can be united behind it and when the, people can be armed with an understanding of capitalism as the enemy – then we can advance on the road to revolution.

The capitalists always try to tell us you’re wrong to fight us because if our profits go down you’re going to go down the drain. But the only choice is to fight harder, to let their system fall down, let their profit system fall down, let the big corporations fall, tumble down into their graves. Let the big politicians who work for them tumble down, fight among themselves and get exposed. We don’t care, we’ll let them tumble down, we’ll kick them down, we’ll grind them into the ground. And then we’ll sweep away their remains and the remains of their system and we’ll build our own, our new, brighter future. A future where we workers will run the factories, produce for our needs and not for the profits of the capitalist bosses. Only by completely getting rid of this system of wage slavery and its law of profits and the system in which the capitalists own and control everything, including us and our labour can we achieve socialism. We can’t move forward step by step, gradually reforming the system. It must be revolutionary change.

Wednesday, December 18, 2013

Challenge Capitalism


The fundamental contradiction of the entire capitalist era is between the capitalist class and the working class. The ownership of the factories and resources are concentrated in the hands of the numerically few capitalists. The workers have no means of production and is forced to sell their labour power to the employers. This is the basis of the extraction of surplus value and the production of commodities for profit. Capitalism is characterised by a constant drive for maximum profits and accumulation. This leads to increasing competition first at home, and then worldwide. The greater the drive for maximum profits, the greater the misery of the people.

There is a war raging and it comes down to the capitalist class and the working class. The capitalist class is fairly easy to identify. They are the handful of millionaires who own or control the-milk, factories, mines, fields and banks of our country. They are the class that owns and sells the products that we make and often can’t even afford to buy. We sell our labour to this class for a wage. The government is run by the capitalists for the purpose of maintaining the flow of profits. This is done in a lot of ways.  A system of courts and police protect the property and the profits of the capitalists from the struggling working class. Injunctions and court writs against strikes and picket lines. The government protects the boss’s right to practically dictate the terms of employment to us. The labour movement includes all of us who are trying organise the whole working class under the banner of “An Injury to One is an Injury to All!” The war between the capitalist class and the working class is due to the system of wage slavery. For the young workers, first looking for a job, the middle-aged workers with families feed, and the older workers who are just holding on until retirement, the capitalists have what we can’t live without. Jobs. We have to eat. To eat we have to work. To work we have to work for the capitalists. To work for the boss we have to accept his terms. We are slaves of the wage system.

The material conditions of work served to unify the working class to fight the capitalists as a class. In many countries there has developed trade unions for self-defence. However, the immediate struggle of the proletariat is to overthrow the  bourgeoisie and establish socialism. Socialism will mark the end of classes and private property and as socialist production is built and the material reality of society changes, so will the mental outlook of individuals. Commodity production, that is, production for sale or exchange on the market, will not exist. The system of wage labor will be abolished and the guiding principle of labor will be “from each according to ability, to each according to need.” The means of production will be held communally and private property will be eliminated. National chauvinism, sexism and religious beliefs in all its forms will melt away. The creative potential of the millions of working people will be unleashed with their direct participation in the direction and decision making in society.  With the abolition of classes and class distinctions, all social and political inequality arising from them will disappear. The conflicts of interest between workers and farmers, town and country, manual and intellectual labor will disappear. As classes will not exist, the state will not be necessary as an instrument of class rule and will wither away. A new man and a new woman will be born in the building of a new, socialist society.  Society will share a communist consciousness, with the social relationships between people above-board and principled. Work will be voluntary and as the way of life rather than only as a means of survival. The forces of production will be unleashed and there will be high standards of social wealth. There will be profound advances made in the fields of education, art, culture and science, as the people are set free to pursue these endeavours.

The working  class is made up of men and women from all regions of the world. We work everywhere, in mines and in mills, in factory plants and sweat-shops, on ships and on trains, in warehouses, in stores and in offices, and many of us are unable to obtain work. But for all these differences, we are members of one class. We face a common situation and have a common destiny. It is the toil of the working class that produces the great wealth of the world, that makes everything run. But doing all this, we are robbed of its fruits by the ruling class of capitalists who run the government and all of society in their own interests. We produce, and the very wealth we produce becomes a weapon in the hands of our enemy, more wealth for the capitalists, more chains on the working class. We produce in common and in common we are exploited. We share the same goal. We want a good life for ourselves and our families and a bright future for our children. Yet we don’t want it at the expense of our brothers and sisters, but for the common benefit of all working people and the advancement of humanity. We can build this good life and bright future, but we must be free to do so, free of the leeches who feast upon the very blood of the workers. We aim to challenge the system of wage slavery itself.

Tuesday, December 17, 2013

A new approach to labour?

Our provincial Conservatives are pushing for a new approach to labour in order to attract manufacturing jobs back to the province. Unfortunately, it looks a lot like the 'Right to work' legislation adopted by many states below the border. MPP Monte McNaughton said, " There are three things that are holding Ontario back; sky-high energy prices, growing debt and deficits, and outdated labour laws." Translation : anything that pays a living wage, demands a safe working environment and comes with benefits must go. We are going backwards, isn't it time to move on from this system? John Ayers.