John Maclean

Dear Editors

It was with interest that I recently read on the SPGB Blog that the SPGB recognised one positive achievement of Lenin in that he helped to get Russia out of the bloody capitalist First World War (http://socialismoryourmoneyback.blogspot.com/2011/02/time-to-bury-leninism.html).

Although I recognise that Scotland's John MacLean  was not in the "Impossibilist" tradition (although he was once a member of the Social Democratic Federation),   I write to ask if the SPGB  recognised the vigorous anti-war work of John Maclean?

Harry McShane, of the CPGB, wrote in his book that John Maclean was persecuted to the extent of exhaustion and eventually dying of pneumonia. McShane wrote that "....The authorities hated him more than any other man. He was jailed five times; the first time was in 1915, and he spent four of his remaining eight years in prison.   When he was out of jail he was followed everywhere by plain-clothes policemen. They were more frightened of his revolutionary stand than of the shop-stewards...."  (Harry McShane, No Mean Fighter, page 151)

Just being curious, but did the Socialist Standard of the time make any mention of John Maclean during the First World War?

J. MELROSE,  Glasgow

Reply:

We can’t find any mention of John Maclean in the Socialist Standards of the war period, but no doubt we would have respected him for the anti-war position he took up as that was what our members were doing and suffering from it too, also being sent to prison.

We did not think much of his Scottish republicanism and said so in an article on the party he founded in the October 1925 Socialist Standard from which here is an extract:

  “A correspondent sends us the Manifesto of the Scottish Workers' Republican Party, and asks for our opinion of it. The object of the Party, founded by the late John Maclean, is a Workers' Republic for Scotland. The Manifesto sets out the slave position of the working class, and urges that the workers must carry through the Social Revolution.
  The chief fallacy of their position is their insistence upon a Scottish Workers' Republic. This demand is both reactionary and Utopian. The struggle of the workers of the United Kingdom must be a united one. The workers are under the domination of a class who rule by the use of a political machine which is the chief governing instrument for England, Scotland, Wales, etc. To appeal to the workers of Scotland for a Scottish Workers' Republic is to arouse and foster the narrow spirit of Nationalism, so well used by our masters. Economically the demand is Utopian, as the development of capitalism has made countries more and more dependent on each other, both through the specialisation of industry or agriculture, and also by the force controlled by the Great Powers to suppress or control the smaller nations.
  The history of " independent " Hungary, Poland, and the Balkan States shows that the realisation of " political independence " by a country leaves the workers' conditions untouched and actually worsens them in many cases.
   The appeal to the worker in this Manifesto to "rally to the cause of a Workers' Republic for Scotland" is made "so that we might win you away from the service of the imperialist gang who direct their activities from London" If the worker is to be won for Socialism, it is by getting him to understand the principles of Socialism, and not by appealing to him to concentrate on Scottish affairs. Socialism is international.”

This is still our position in face of those today who seek to revive the idea of a “Scottish Workers’ Republic” - Editors.

We Must Correctly Apply Nature's Laws

We needn't fool ourselves that messing with the environment is a recent thing. Frederick Engels in his work, ''Labour In The Transition From Ape To Man'', had plenty to say about it.

''Let us not , however, flatter ourselves overmuch on account of our human victories over nature. For each victory it takes its revenge on us. Each of them, it is true, has in the first place the consequences on which we counted, but in the second and third places it has quiet and different, unforeseen effects which only to often cancel out the first. The people who in Mesopotamia, Greece, Asia Minor and elsewhere, utterly destroyed the forests to obtain cultivable land never dreamed that they were laying the basis for the present devastated conditions of these countries, by removing along with the forests the collecting centres and reservoirs of moisture. When the Italians of the Alps used up the pine forests on the southern slopes, so carefully cherished on the northern slopes, they had no inkling that by doing so they were cutting at the roots of the dairy industry in their region; they had still less inkling that they were thereby depriving their mountain springs of water for the greater part of the year, and making it possible for them to pour still more furious torrents of it on the plains during the rainy seasons. Those who spread potato in Europe were not aware that with these farinaceous tubers they were at the same time spreading scrofula. Thus at every step we are reminded that we by on means rule over nature like a conqueror over a foreign people, like someone standing outside nature - but that we, with flesh, blood, and brain, belong to nature and exist in its midst and that all our mastery of it consists in the fact that we have the advantage over all other creatures of being able to know and correctly apply its laws. Since this has been happening for so long its about time we had a society that will put an end to it."

Steve and John.

Fight for the Future

 There is very great need to-day to clearly define what is socialism. Needless to say, it is irrevocably hostile to capitalism. Socialism has been attacked at all times, but never with more animosity than recently. Socialists are reproached with every kind of evil. If the workers, however, attack ocialism it is not from a clear perception of the aims of socialism by which their judgment is guided, but by a dim and vague ideas spread by disinformation and misinformation.
 About socialism many lies have been told, especially by people whose interest it is to do so, i.e. by those money-making idlers, so that now most people cannot but connect with the word socialism with negative ideas. Therefore it is not an easy matter to speak of socialism without running the risk of being condemned before one commences. Many people will not hear, will not see, will not judge. Their verdict is formed. All social prejudices are awakened and called forth by this expression. For that reason it is very difficult to come to a quiet understanding about it.

What do Socialists demand? The abolition of every form of expropriation and oppression of man by man in social, political and economic life. Men and women shall be free and equal without exception and they shall be permitted to fulfil their life as human beings. And in order to attain this object, mankind ought not only to have the right but also the opportunity of harmoniously developing and educating, in accordance with its needs, the physical and intellectual capacities which nature has given to humanity. From this arises the need for society to increase both the quantity and the quality of the means of life and of culture, so it shall prove adequate to meet the very highest demands that can be made upon it; and it follows, therefore, that it is the duty of everyone to co-operate in accordance with ability in the production of these means of culture and life.
 Consequently, “all for one and one for all” will be the principle of the coming socialist society. The goal of socialism is not to destroy civilization nor to throw humanity back into barbarism but, on the contrary, we desire to lift the whole of humanity to the highest thinkable level. We wish every individual without exception to have a share in the means of culture and education according to his and her needs. This ideal is possible today because it is only now that, in consequence of the thousands of years of progress, we only now are all the means and possibilities given through which we may realise this ideal condition. Socialism is a society which serves the needs of mankind.

  Socialists do not desire to "divvy up" wealth more equally, as some would have us believe.  Baron Rothschild took a walk and two labourers accosted him: “Baron, you are a rich man; we want our fair share.” The Baron Rothschild took out his purse good-humouredly and answered: “Certainly! We can do that business on the spot. The account is easily made. I own 40 millions of florins; there are 40 millions of Germans. Consequently each German has to receive one florin; here is your share;” and giving one florin to each of the labourers and then he walked off smiling.  Socialists do not intend to introduce division of wealth and property; on the contrary, we are for abolishing its division. Socialists are of opinion that division of property is flourishing in our society at present, and further they are of the opinion that this division is carried on in a very unjust manner. Socialists do not intend to divide, but we do intend to abolish property.  But it is a firm principle of socialism never to interfere with personal property or possessions.

 Think of our millionaires, and say whether those fellows did or did not understand how to divide and to appropriate to themselves large sums of money. Think of those swindling industrialists and bankers. How many honest working-people have been swindled by them out of the little sums of money they had gathered by hard work and saving? We see how those who work hard do not make money, do not amass riches – on the contrary, many of them suffer. But those who never worked, or whose work hardly deserves the name of work benefit from the working class. A few workers may succeed but do they ever reach a state in which they are safe from sorrow and strife.

 Those who have a little shop or a small business of their own and work on a small scale have to battle with poverty and too many of them fail in this battle; they give up their small enterprises and turn wage-labourers. One manufacturer on a large scale deprives hundreds of small establishments of their independent existence; one large shop or even “co-operative” store crushes out fifty small shopkeepers. As things stand to-day, only those who command great amounts of capital succeed. Merchants with small means rarely do a good business; many go bankrupt. Merchants with large means grow richer and richer. It is similar with farmers. Owners of small farms just eke out a scanty living and have to work very hard. Very oftn, we find that small farms are bought out by owners of large commercial farms. For toil and sweat scarcely a living! No sensible person can approve of that. This state of affairs cannot and must not continue. It is wrong, and therefore it must be changed.

 In everyday life of capitalist society everybody looks out for his or her own interest, even at the cost of their fellows. Egoism and selfish self-interest rules supreme. Everybody thinks of his or her own welfare, and does not care whether by doing so they destroy the welfare of others.  Socialism is nothing but the principle of the common interests of society where  beneficent and useful institutions are established by the whole people in common. Whoever declares him or herself opposed to socialism confesses to be an enemy of common interest, an enemy of society and mankind.


 Capital becomes a means for enslaving workers forcing them to give up the greater part of their produce to him who owns the capital. Might is right, and by the title of such right the slave-owner considers the fruit of the work of his slaves his property; by this right, the feudal land-owner made his serfs work for his employment and benefit. Slavery is injustice; serfdom is injustice; so the right which capital claims to the work of the worker is injustice. As far as anything is the personal property of a person he may enjoy it as he chooses; nobody has a right to interfere. But as soon as he tries to use this property to enslave other people, he steps beyond his domain and must be checked. Nobody has a right of ownership over his fellow-men. Slavery has been, abolished, serfdom has been abolished, so the power which capital exercises now will be abolished: its place will be occupied by the natural and sacred right of the worker to the proceeds of his work.

 Socialism, far from intending to abolish any property to-day or to-morrow, only predicts that there will be a time brought on by historical development, when the working people will insist upon their right to the product of their own work, against the privilege which property enjoys with regard to the work of others. Freedom and equality will then be no longer empty and cheap phrases, but will have a meaning; when all men and women are really free and equal. Working people will then no longer be deprived of the fruits of their labour.

War Criminals Welcome

Barack Obama is to make his first visit to Scotland when he addresses business leaders. Tickets for a table of 10 at the dinner are expected to go on sale for approximately £5,000.

Nicola Sturgeon told BBC Scotland she was "really excited" about the announcement. Sturgeon added: "Lots of people back home in Scotland will be really looking forward to welcoming President Obama and hearing what he has to say".

Obama ran the biggest killing machine in the world. He unleashed it to protect the interests of US capitalism. Barack Obama should not be an honoured guest but placed before the International Criminal Court at The Hague as a war criminal.  Obama is the first president to keep the US at war for the entirety of his eight-year regime. During 2016 alone the US dropped 26,171 bombs on wedding parties, funerals, kid’s soccer games, hospitals, schools, people in their homes and walking their streets, and farmers tilling their fields in seven countries: Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan, Libya, Yemen, Somalia and Pakistan. 

Scots in poverty

Working poverty in Scotland is at its highest level since devolution. In-work poverty refers to those living in households where at least one member of the household is working, either full or part-time, but where the household income is below the relative poverty threshold.

Since 1998/99 the number of people living in poverty in a household where at least one adult works has increased from about 440,000 to around 610,000.

The proportion of people in poverty in working households stands at 58% for 2015/16, up from 39% in 1998/99 and up from 43% in 2006/07

A total of 420,000 working-age adults were in in-work poverty after housing costs in 2015/16, compared with 280,000 in 1998/99, while the figure for children increased from 150,000 to 180,000.

From today (Thursday, April 6) child tax credit - which is worth up to £2780 per child per year - will only be paid for the first two children in any family. If your children were born prior to this date, credits for three or more are still applicable. But if you have a third child tomorrow or thereafter they will not qualify.

The government is also removing the family element - which is a payment of £545 for a new-born first child. Parents of children born before Thursday will still get this.

The People's Perth

Towards the end of the 18th century, inspired by the American and French Revolution and the publication of Thomas Paine’s The Rights of Man, political reform societies were established across Scotland.

In April 1792 a group of young Whigs founded The Society of the People, Associated for the Purpose of Obtaining a Parliamentary Reform. Its purpose was the extension of the franchise as well as some parliamentary reform. An earlier created society, The London Correspondence Club (25 January 1792) was more radical than the Friends of the People and unlike the latter which was dominated by the wealthy, was composed of artisans and workers. By November of 1792, 87 branches of the Friends of the People were operating in Britain and many were far more radical than the original group created by the Whigs – this led to division in the Whig Party. Amongst these groups are included the Glasgow-based Associated Friends of the Constitution of the People (September 1792) and The Sons of Liberty and Friends of Man operating in Partick.

In July 1792 the Friends of the People Society of Edinburgh came into being. This group set its subscription rates lower than its English counterparts and so allowed for a far wider membership base. Members came from many professions including: shopkeepers; artisans; weavers; tailors; cobblers; brewers; bakers; tanners; butchers; and, hairdressers. Soon other groups were set up in Scotland. Branches of the Friends of the People operated independently but came together in conventions.


The earliest known reform movement in Perth was the Perth Society for Parliamentary Reform. The Friends of the People Branch in Perth was formed on 14 August 1792 with a meeting at the Guildhall. The purpose of that society was to achieve “A free and Equal Representation of the People (and) A Short Duration of Parliaments”. Weavers, hatters and other workers and tradesmen flocked to join the society so that by October of 1792 it could claim 1200 members and send 9 delegates to thre first Scottish Convention (Edinburgh); it is worth noting that Dundee only had 3 delegates to that same convention.

Between December 1792 and October 1793, three general conventions took place in Scotland. The last one was a British-wide convention. At the first convention (December 1792) Thomas Muir a Glasgow lawyer spoke eloquently and was a key figure. He was soon to be sentenced by Lord Braxfield after a corrupt trial and transported (14 years) to the convict colony of Botany Bay in Australia for what the state described as stirring up discontent amongst workers. The second convention saw a Unitarian Minister, reverend Thomas Fyste Palmer come to the fore – he too was transported (7 years). Whilst he was in prison he took visits from thirty-two of the Perth radicals – Palmer was locked up in the Tolbooth in Perth awaiting trial which began in Perth on 12 September 1793.. The all-British convention of October 1793, issued a manifesto demanding universal male suffrage with annual elections. It even expressed solidarity with the French Revolution. This was too far for the government, which broke up the convention, arrested many leaders and transported them along with Thomas Muir (1765-99).

The societies grew more radical and in the summer/autumn of 1792 many riots and demonstrations were seen across Britain. Perth and Dundee were the scene of some of these demonstrations. In Perth on 26 November 1792, ‘A Tree of Liberty’ was erected in the town and demonstrators cried for ‘Equality and Liberty’and for the end of monarchy and aristocracy – huge meetings were held on both Inches.. The inspiration for the action came from the news that General Dumourier had entered Brussels as the French Revolution progressed onwards. Radicals implored the people of Perth to celbrate and to illuminate their windows accordingly. The Duke of Atholl caught up in the demonstrations was forced to join the radicals and shout for liberty and equality. That night the steeple bells of Perth kept up a chorus until the next day.  In Perth, the ruling class attempted to organise counter-demonstrations of government support – this backfired. At these meetings, pro-reformers managed to get debate going and pass reformist resolutions. 

Whilst many in the Perth society were happy just calling for reform, others began to correspond with the National Assembly in France and look to more radical methods. In Perth, some of the radicals (Walter Miller, Grant and others) advocated the raising of funds to buy arms and so seize what they demanded by force. These different approaches led to tension within the Perth Friends of the People. Spies and police informers kept the authorities abreast of the developments and those in power began to fear the potential for rebellion in Perth. Despite the climate and repression, the radicals expanded in number. One figure for government scrutiny was James Wylie. Wylie was the president of the Friends of the People in Perth and a leading campaigner for parliamentary and burgh council reform. He was marked down by the authorities as a trouble maker who needed a spy on his tail and his mail intercepted. His mail was intercepted and the Lord Advocate described Wylie to the Home Secretary as the “most intemperate revolutioner in Scotland“.

Some of the radicals anger was directed to individual politicians such as Henry Dundas. His effigy was put on trial in Crieff and subsequently burned. At Scone his effigy was hung up on a gibbet, while in Perth the effigy was blown up with gunpowder – those involved probably included William Bissett a local surgeon and James Wylie, a merchent – both members of the friends of the People. It has already been mentioned that the Duke of Atholl was intimidated by radicals in Perth, but that was not the only attack on him. On 6 November 1792 at the Perth Hunt Ball, demonstrators at that event, upon seeing the Duke of Atholl were recorded as calling for him to be sent to the guillotine.

The Friends of the People opposed war with France and in Perth after a meeting at the Guildhall (January 29 1793) printed a pamphlet, A Solemn Protestation Against War. Slowly the changing climate led to a reduction in political activity so that in October 1793 only one delegate (Robert Sands) went from Perth to the All-British Convention.

“The triumph of liberty and reason over despotism, ignorance and superstition.”

The Napoleonic War brought economic stagnation, widespread unemployment, and growing political discontent. War with France led to an increase in state repression of the reform groups, whilst at the same time the government ignored reformist petitions.. Nevertheless, many radicals continued their work. These activists suffered attack, arrest and imprisonment. Notable figures like Thomas Hardy, John Tooke and John Thelwell were even sent to the Tower of London. Slowly the suppression of the movement had effect and the Friends of the People was wound down as a society. Still, the radicals continued, now in more clandestine ways – secret societies ofUnited Scotsmen (and United Irishmen) were formed. The United Irishmen were more radical than their Scottish counterparts, but after a delegation of the former arrived in Scotland, the United Scotsmen too became revolutionary. Support for theUnited Scotsmen was strong amongst the working classes in Scotland. As well as electoral reform the United Scotsmen advocated a Republic. By the mid-1790s there were more members in the United Scotsmen than the actual Scottish electorate – about 3000. The United Scotsmen for security and safety operated in cells or groups of 16 or less.

One of the aims of the United Scotsmen was the attainment of Annual Parliaments and Universal Suffrage. Those joining the United Scotsmen pledged:

“that I will preserve in my endeavours to obtain an equal, full, and adequate Representation of All the people in Greta Britain.”

In Perth, the radicals also set up a cell structure. Nevertheless, governemnt spies and informers saw to it that individuals and groups were attacked and prosecutions arranged. David Sangster and the reverend Geary (Methodist preacher) were both subject to attacks. One of the government spies (known as J. B.) gave details to the authorities of a plot by Walter Miller and others to acquire arms. Miller’s home was searched for guns and bayonets that he was supposed to have obtained from Birmingham for the purposes of sedition. Five fouling pieces were found and despite interrogation, Miller refused to speak.

It is clear that many of the radicals were looking to armed revolution as the means for the advancement of society. Reports circulated around Perthshire of one group of twenty men secretly drilling with guns in Auchterarder. Similar reports concerned other areas. Perthshire and Scotland was a volcano of revolutionary activity. As the ruling class became more concerned so did their repression – in Perthshire and across Scotland the class war was being fought on a daily basis.

Walter Miller, Robert Sands were amongst many radicals arrested and implicated in what became known as the ‘Pike Plot’ . This involved the ordering of some 4000 pikes. Sands spent 7 months detained in Edinburgh awaiting trial for the ‘Pike Plot‘. Another Perth-born activist, Robert Watt, found himself arrested and stood trial for high treason. Mass arrests and trials gradually led to the radicals pursuing more cautious approaches.

In 1797 the Militia Act was passed. This act which allowed for the conscription of young men into the British Army was opposed strongly in Scotland. August 1797 saw many protests against the act in Scotland – several protestors were killed during this period.

The United Scotsmen increasingly looked overseas for support. A plan for 50,000 Dutch troops to land in Scotland and occupy the central belt was only thwarted when the British Navy defeated the Dutch fleet at the Battle of Camperdown in October 1797. France might have had more luck if it looked to Scotland, instead it attempted to assist a rising in England which never came.

That same year the United Scotsmen rose against the British government, but troops sent to Scotland from England soon crushed their rebellion. The aim of the rebels had been to set up a republic with Thomas Muir as its President. In the aftermath, the leadership of the United Scotsmen were tried – many were transported or imprisoned. Persecution of the United Scotsmen when on for some time; the last trial before the courts took place in 1802 (Thomas Wilson). The government proscribed the United Scotsmen and tightened up its control of the press as part of their measures to destroy the radicals. Even up to 1820, the struggle continued. With James Wilson in a leadership position, the radicals once again attempted a rebellion – 1820.

The end of the Napoleonic War allowed for the opening up of political activity. In 1816, James Turner’s estate of Thrushgrove, just outside Glasgow was the scene of rallies demanding the widening of political representation. As the British economy moved into a period of distress, so the demands for reform were fuelled. So mush so that radical conversations often moved to armed rebellion. Since many of the reform groups were infiltrated by police spies and informants, numerous court cases arose as a consequence of the radical mutterings. However, in many instances, juries refused to convict those placed before them.

In April 1820 posters appeared across Glasgow declaring the establishment of a provisional government and calling for revolution. Groups of weavers and other workers, armed with pikes, gathered ready for the rebellion. Andrew Hardie led a group towards Falkirk before being put to flight by the military at Bonnybridge. Mass arrests followed, three were executed for treason and others were transported.

Perth later witnessed some activity in relation to parliamentary reform. In 1831 nearly 7,000 people congregated in the short length of Perth’s St John Street; ordered and well-disciplined demonstrators. They walked arm in arm, six abreast, encompassing all ages and comprising mainly of the Perth working class involved in manufacture. In the front of the march was a blue banner supporting the Reform Bill. Such a site put the wind up the local aristocracy and bourgeoisie who feared revolution and sedition was in the air; their response was an attempt through the Liberal Party to direct protestors into more passive and very gradual political activity for reform. In May of 1832 at the Reform Bill rally on the South Inch, the Rector of Perth Academy, Adam Anderson, used the platform to argue this slow ponderous and conservative approach. However, the fact that such loyalists to the state and status quo such as he, were now calling for reform was indicative of the power of the movement begun from below by the British working class.

17 May 1849 – Perth city carters organised a one-day strike to protest against the impact that the railways was having on their livelihood, and to demand that the city corporation provide relief.

2 May 1855 – Masons in Perth went on strike for increase in their wages, which they obtained. They marched through the town led by a piper.

October 1871 – Mill workers in a number of factories across Perthshire became active over the demand for a decent length of lunch-break. At Erich Linen Works, they achieved a 1p per cut rise, an hour for lunch and a 50 minute breakfast period. At McIntyre and Co., the hour for lunch demand was accepted, and at Saunders & Sons of Blairgowrie, workers were successful with their demands.

1870s – Six Perthshire shoemakers on strike were imprisoned for staring at another shoemaker who was still working during the strike. The prosecution was undertaken using the civil offence of conspiracy.

8 March 1872 – The Perth Typographical Association put in a claim for group of their printers, of 2 shillings a week pay rise and a reduction in their working week to 51 hours. The claim took the form of a deputation to the owner of the printing firm, a Mr. Lyall. Although the pay rise was not forthcoming, the reduction in hours was granted. Similar claims were proposed and accepted, as many other Perthshire printing firms, excepting the Perthshire Advertiser, then owned by Samuel Cowan.

22 April 1872 – Ten printers at the Perthshire Advertiser came out on strike for one day and achieved the 51-hour week.

December 1877 – Dyers and Bleachers at John Pullars & Sons achieved a reduction in their working week.

June 1874 – After threatening to go on strike, joiners and masons across Perth were granted a halfpenny an hour pay increase.

1886/7 – The Typographical Association fought a battle at the Perthshire Advertiser to save their 51 hours from the owner he was attempting to raise it to 54 a week. Eventually after a long battle, the owner gave in, but then turned on the machine workers, many of whom were sacked.

12 October 1897 – The founding meeting of the Perth & District Trades and Labour Council took place this day at the Masons Hall in Hospital Street. Thence after it met every fortnight and took a leading role in trade disputes and local politics within Perth. Its members lobbied the local council on many issues that affected working people in Perth, especially housing and pay levels of council employees. The Perth & District Trades & Labour Council also stood candidates in local elections, and provided strike pay during disputes.

1898 – A strike by joiners employed by the local council, and supported by the Trades Council achieved its desired increase in wages. In the same year there took place a strike by bakers for time and a half overtime and a decrease in the standard working week.

1900 – Local painters struck to achieve a lodging allowance for jobs more than 3 miles from the city centre.

1912 – Strike by certain sections at John Pullars & Sons Limited.

1916/17 – Major strike at John Pullars & Sons Limited.

From http://madeinperth.org/

Trump's Junk.

Trump Junk - You will all have heard, or heard of Trump's speech to the Congress on February 28. To sum it up briefly, what he really said was,'' Look, guys, we're all in this together. If workers and capitalists forget their differences and pull together we will make America great again.''

Whether Trump is sincere or not is meaningless because the fundamentals of capitalism mean that worker and capitalist have nothing in common economically. Workers struggle to improve their conditions, which means winning some concessions from their bosses who are trying to keep down costs to maximize profits – simple, ain't it?

Two more aspects of Trump's trumpeting deserve comment. He proposes a massive $54 billion increase in military spending. The military budget already exceeds the military budgets of the seven highest spending countries combined. Though $54 billion could go a long way if devoted to welfare programs and fighting poverty in general, it won't be, because of capitalism's crazy priorities. Defending their property ownerships and capturing raw materials and markets are paramount to the capitalist class and if the working class have to suffer, so be it.

Trump refers to the press as,''the enemy of the people''. Of course, he's right, but contextually wrong. What he really means is its the enemy of Donald Trump.

Since the capitalist class owns the press and the media as a whole it will reflect the interests of capitalism in a broad general sense. Some newspapers will advocate the particular interests of the owner, but no newspaper, owned by capitalists, will advocate its abolition. The proof of that is the history of the Toronto Star, which has been widely analyzed in these reports. So certainly, the press is the enemy of the people.

When capitalists use the expression "free press", they mean freedom to criticize anyone they perceive to be doing an inadequate job for their interests, which is exactly the case now. The fact that Trump isn't highly thought of by his fellow capitalists should not mean anything to the working class, whose main interest should be the overthrow of a society that creates people like him.

 Steve and John.

Things To Come?

I drive school bus and notice differences between students as they age. The younger ones laugh and chat amongst themselves. The older ones are on their lap tops, playing computer games or listening to their I-pods; there is very little conversation.

More and more the synthetic world is becoming the real world to them. A recent study showed one-fifth of the players in an online game felt the real world was only a place to eat and sleep, that the synthetic world was their true residence.

In one respect both groups are similar, social skills are sadly lacking. A friendly, ''Good Morning,'' receives a blank stare - returning something left behind doesn't get a word of thanks.

It may be that life under capitalism with its advanced technology is making young students alienated. Imagine what they'll be like as adults. 

Steve and John.

It’s Not Complicated

The Socialist Party is the tangible expression of the socialist movement, and the socialist movement is based upon the modern class struggle in which all workers of all countries, regardless of race, nationality, creed or sex, are called upon to unite against the capitalist class, their common exploiter, and oppressor. In this great class struggle the equality of all workers is a foregone conclusion, and he or she who does subscribe to it as one of the basic principles of socialism is not a socialist, and if a party member must have been admitted through misunderstanding or false pretence, he or she should be speedily set adrift to return to the capitalist parties with their racism and sexism. Someone who seeks to arouse prejudice among the working class is not their friend. Someone who advises workers to look down upon others is the enemy of both. Socialism will give all men and women economic and political freedom. The door of the Socialist Party will never be closed against any human being on account of the colour of his or her skin, their nationality, their gender or sexual orientation. When Marx said: “Workers of all countries unite,” he issued the call to all the workers of the globe, regardless of race, sex, creed or any other condition whatsoever. We are the party of the working class, the whole working class, and we will not suffer ourselves to be divided by any specious appeal to prejudice. Socialism must be an inspiration to all in bondage. The Socialist Party, the political wing of the labour movement, is absolutely free from prejudice. We have nothing special to offer minorities, and we cannot make separate appeals to all by identity politics. The Socialist Party is the party of the working class—the whole working class of the whole world.

The owning class is necessarily the ruling class. It dictates legislation and in the case of doubt or controversy has it construed to its own interest.

The Socialist Party is a revolutionary party and its basic demand is the common ownership of the means of production and distribution and the operation of all industry in the interest of all the people. Economic freedom can result only from common ownership, and upon this vital principle, the Socialist Party differs diametrically from every other party. Between private ownership and common ownership there can be no compromise. One produces for profit, the other for use. One produces millionaires, the other economic equals. One gives us palaces and hovels, robes and rags, the other will secure to every man and woman their full product of his or her toil, abolish class rule, wipe out class distinction, secure the peace of society, and make of this earth for the first time a decent habitable place. Socialism was born of the class antagonisms of capitalist society, without which it would never have been heard of. We count everyone against us who is not with us and opposed to the capitalist class, especially those reformist chicken hearts who are for everybody, especially themselves, and against nobody who are not offend the capitalist exploiters, for their revenue depends upon their treason to the exploited slaves over whom they mourn dolefully and shed crocodile tears. They are “socialists” for no other purpose than to emasculate socialism.

Let the capitalists, large and small, fight among themselves. The working class must get rid of the whole brood of masters and exploiters, and put themselves in possession and control of the means of production that they may get the wealth their labour produces, all of it, and enjoy with their families the fruits of their industry in comfortable and happy homes, abundant and wholesome food, proper clothing and all other things necessary to “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.’ It is, therefore, a question not of “reform,” the mask of fraud, but of revolution. The capitalist system must be overthrown, class-rule abolished and wage-slavery supplanted by the cooperative industry. No sane person can be satisfied with the present system. Corporations are organized purely for private profit; the rights of the corporations to exploit the working class and exact tribute from the people are to be respected, according to the capitalist. On the other hand, the Socialist Party, standing for common ownership of the means of production, declares to the world that there is no other solution.

Socialists are organising for the purpose of securing control of the government. Having conquered the political power upon the platform that declares in favour of common ownership in the name of the people, they will take possession of industry. It will be organised to be cooperation, that is to say, self-operation. It will be cooperative in every department of human industry. The badge of labour will no longer be the badge of servitude. Everyone will gladly do their share of the world’s useful work. Everyone can then honestly enjoy a share of the world’s blessings. Every machine will be a blessing to mankind because it will serve to reduce the number of hours constituting a day’s work, and the workday will be shortened. Labour will no longer be bought and sold in the markets of the world. We will not make things for sale, but will make things to use. We will fill the world with wealth and everyone can have all that they can rationally use. Rent, interest, and profit, three forces of exploitation, will disappear forever. Every man and woman will be economically free; life will no longer be a struggle for bread; then mankind can begin the march to the highest type of civilization that this world has ever known. The abolishing of the capitalistic system does not merely mean the emancipation of the working class, but of all society. It will level all upwards. This planet will be fit for men and women to live in. The existing system is unspeakably cruel. Capitalist society is blotched with the effects of disease. Cooperative industry carried forward in the interest of all the people — that is the foundation of socialism; economic freedom for every human being on Earth; no man or woman compelled to depend on the arbitrary will of another for the right or opportunity to create enough to supply his or her material wants. There will still be competition but it will not be for bread, it will be to excel in good works. Everyone will work for the society in which he lives, and society will work in the interests of those who compose it.

The members of the Socialist Party look to the future with a vision of the cooperative commonwealth, a world without a master and a land without a slave. 

Fact of the Day

Dundee’s foodbanks remain Scotland’s busiest, population-wise, with latest statistics showing that 3,813 people were referred to one between April and September 2016, of whom 1,050 were children.

The Battle of Bonnymuir

The oft-forgotten Battle of Bonnymuir took place on the 5th of April, 1820, during the ‘Radical War’ of the early 19th Century. It wasn’t much more than a skirmish. Nevertheless, it should not be forgotten in the annals of Scottish labour history. 

Sixteen Hussars and sixteen Yeomanry troopers routed a band of twenty-five, poorly armed, striking weavers. The leaders were captured, tried and sentenced, with the outcome being a judicial murder and the martyrdom of John Baird and Andrew Hardie, two men who came to be known as the ‘Radical Martyrs’. 

In the early 19th Century revolutionary discontent increased amongst the working class with the underlying ideals and economic circumstances, which helped to create the French and American revolutions, spreading in Scotland at that time. The workers were suppressed and despised by the ruling classes and their pay and conditions deteriorated drastically. Between 1800 and 1808, the earnings of weavers were halved and this trend continued up to 1820. In 1816, weavers in Kilsyth were working for just over £1 per week and, by 1820, their weekly income was down to between eleven and twelve shillings. This widespread discontent came to a head with a two-month long strike in 1812. 

Also, as a legacy of the government persecution of Scottish reformers, agitators and martyrs, such as Muir, Mealmaker, and Palmer, in the 1790’s, dissidence was stimulated and the United Scotsmen movement was formed. That underground organisation campaigned for universal male suffrage, vote by secret ballot, payment of MPs and annual general elections – things we take for granted today. A precedent for Bonnymuir had taken place at ‘Peterloo’, St Peter’s Fields, in Manchester, in the August of 1819, when a radical reform meeting was attacked and dispersed by the military. That event provoked widespread protest and rioting. In one incident, in Paisley, the cavalry was called in to reintroduce order and there were other mass meetings in Scotland, with many weavers from Kilsyth being involved in forms of agitation.

Events neared a climax, when, on Sunday, the 2nd of April, 1820, a Proclamation was issued calling for a general strike. Most of central Scotland, especially in the weaving communities, came out the following week. The proclamation began:
 “Friends and Countrymen! Rouse from that state in which we have sunk for so many years, we are at length compelled from the extremity of our sufferings, and the contempt heaped upon our petitions for redress, to assert our rights at the hazard of our lives.” 
And, it called for a rising:
 “To show the world that we are not that lawless, sanguinary rabble which our oppressors would persuade the higher circles we are, but a brave and generous people determined to be free.”

Taking a lesson from Manchester and Paisley, one party of strikers decided that attack was the best form of defence. With the purpose of increasing their puny arsenal of weapons, a collection of about twenty-five weavers from Glasgow, led by Andrew Hardie and John Baird, marched on the Carron Iron Works near Falkirk to capture the munitions there. Tragically for that group, its movements didn’t go unnoticed. The secrecy of societies like the United Scotsmen had caused the government major concern and its spies and informers were ever active. Those clandestine infiltrators, who were the real traitors in the whole sorry business, were the reason why the march on Carron was anticipated.

Having received the intelligence of the undercover government agents, the Army was given its own marching orders. Lietutenant Ellis Hodgson, of the 11th Hussars, quartered in Perth, set off for Kilsyth, via Stirling, in order to protect Carron. By breakfast on the morning of the battle, Baird, Hardie and their followers had reached Castlecary Inn. That same morning, Lt. Hodgson left Kilsyth with his even numbered force of sixteen Hussars and sixteen Yeomanry troopers, intent on encountering the weavers. At Bonnybridge, they left the main road and made for Bonnymuir to intercept the rebels. The two forces met and the radicals began firing. After a few volleys on both sides, the cavalry flanked the rebels and the inevitable end was swift, albeit not so bloody. Lt. Hodgson and a sergeant of the 10th Hussars were wounded, with four of the radicals being also injured. A haul of five muskets, two pistols, eighteen pikes and about one hundred rounds of ball cartridges were taken. Thus ended the Battle of Bonnymuir. Nineteen of the weavers, including the leaders, were taken prisoner and brought to Stirling Castle.

Coincidentally, at some stage in the aftermath of the battle, a number of prisoners from Paisley were being taken separately under escort to jail in Greenock. That escort came under attack from a different group of strikers and the soldiers retaliated by opening fire. The result of that tragic reaction was the killing of eight people, including eight year old James McGilp, and the wounding of a further ten. Later, angry rioters stormed the jail and set those prisoners free. A series of dramatic trials then unfolded as a total of eighty-eight charges of treason were brought against men from across West Central Scotland. Hardie and Baird were condemned, hung and beheaded, and twenty men, including the fifteen-year-old Alexander Johnstone, were transported to the penal colonies in Australia.

On the day of his execution, Hardie spoke saying:
 “Yes, my countrymen, in a few minutes our blood shall be shed on this scaffold…, for no other sin but seeking the legitimate rights of our ill used and down trodden beloved countrymen.”
At that, the furious Sheriff stepped forward and ordered him to stop, “…such violent and improper language”. 
Hardie’s last words in riposte were:
 “What we said to our countrymen, we intended to say no matter whether you granted us liberty or not. So we are now both done.” 
Hardie and Baird then embraced each other at the last, before a callous murder in the name of justice took place.

Peter Mackenzie, a Glasgow journalist, campaigned to have the weavers pardoned and eventually, in August 1835, an absolute pardon was granted. Today, you can find a monument to John Baird and Andrew Hardie in Sighthill cemetery, in Glasgow’s Springburn district.

From here