Monday, September 04, 2017

Meet The Edinburgh Branch

Thursday, 7 September – 7:00pm

Thursday, 5 October – 7:00pm

Thursday, 2 November  – 7:00pm

Thursday, 7 December  – 7:00pm

Venue: The Quaker Hall, Victoria Terrace, Edinburgh EH1 2JL

Members of Edinburgh branch regularly hear from people that they are not really interested in politics. The truth is that any action to operate society is political and if people refuse to take political action which is in their own interest, others are only too willing to fill the gap, and run society in their own way, for their own gain.

Today there are numerous left-wing organisations which, to a varying degree, draw their political inspiration from Lenin, Trotsky and the Bolsheviks. Despite bitter disputes over the minutia of their faith, they all conform to a common pattern. Each adopts a programme of immediate demands which are designed as bait to attract working class support with a general rule that the party which must lead the masses, develops a highly centralised leadership within the party, with the rank and file members subordinate to an inner elite. The Socialist Party of Great Britain from its inception has rejected this form of organisation. The Socialist Party hammers home the simple point which it has since never failed to stress—that there can be no socialism without a majority of the working class understanding what needs to be done and prepared to take decisive action to establish the new society.

The Socialist Party strives to educate and propagate the knowledge that will finally oust that which in the past and up to the present has helped to subjugate and exploit the world’s workers. Socialism is not a better way of running capitalism but a world wide system of society in which the private ownership of the means of production and distribution would be replaced by social ownership.  Capitalism is a filthy rotten and decrepit social and economic system, whose apologists will stoop to any level to ensure their profits are never threatened. If this means starting a war, destroying crops from above with poison sprays, overthrowing a democratically-elected government, then so be it—there is no shortage of evidence to support this.

Karl Marx's son-in-law wrote Lafargue “A citizen who gives his labour for money degrades himself to the rank of slaves.”

Join us to discuss socialism and organise to promote a world of production for use, not profit. A world of common ownership and democratic control without the state, leaders, nations, war or money.


Sunday, September 03, 2017

Solidarity with Newcomers

A refugee family originally from Egypt now living in Scotland have talked about the fear for their lives after an arson attack at their home in Edinburgh at a block of flats in Wester Hailes on Saturday.
The refugee, who moved from Wales to Scotland in July last year, said: "I heard about Scottish people, they're friendly and welcoming to people from different countries and different cultures, never thought this was going to happen with us in Scotland. We can't feel safe nowhere, it's just a disappointment really. "
He said his family were first targeted five months ago when his young daughter's buggy was set alight on the ground floor of their block. Since the first attack his wife had stopped wearing her niqab because she no longer felt safe.
He said: "We couldn't believe this happened. We had spoken to the police and the council as well."

Fleecing the punters

Edinburgh airport charge airlines £4.95 to park an Airbus A320 on the apron for 15 minutes yet stopping a car for the same amount of time in the controversial drop-off zone would set you back £5.


An A320, used by British Airways and EasyJet for flights to London airports, is charged parking of £3.23 per 15 minutes at its “empty” weight of 43 tons. Even when it is stationary and full of passengers, fuel and luggage, approaching a weight of 66 tons, it will still only be charged £4.95 for parking.
Edinburgh’s drop-off fees start at £1 for up to five minutes, £3 for up to 10 minutes, and £5 between 10 minutes and 20 minutes.

How would a socialist society coordinate supply to meet needs?


The Way out of the Mess

Socialism means different things to different people. To some it means social reforms, to others state ownership of industry, to others the kind of one-party state that once existed in Russia or China. Very few people however view socialism in the same way as the Socialist Party of Great Britain, that is as a worldwide society without buying and selling in which production takes place not for profit but solely to satisfy human needs. By socialism we mean the class-free, money-free, State-free society that will immediately follow capitalism. In other words, we don't subscribe to the common distortion which has 'socialism' ( really state-capitalism), with money and wages and one-party governments, as a society existing between capitalism and communism. For us, the words 'socialism' and 'communism' are exact synonyms and thus interchangeable.

People who possess nothing sell their labour and get wages which allow them to buy what they need to live. It is clear that such a system cannot co-exist with abundance. Only scarce products keep their value and sell at a profit. Abundant products have no value: they are given and taken. Abundance will never exist in capitalism since production is not motivated by the desire to satisfy consumption but by that of realising a profit. When this profit becomes impossible, production stops. It is then said that there is a crisis, even if many consumers lack the bare necessities. The magnificent scientific achievements of the 20th century have made abundance appear in all the industrialised countries, upsetting their economies from top to bottom since these can only function with a “scarcity" of products and services.  The exchange economy must be replaced by an economy in which wealth is no longer produced to be exchanged but is produced instead simply in order to be distributed to human beings to satisfy their needs.  Under this new system, the means for producing wealth will cease to be the private property of individuals or the State and become the common heritage of all the members of society which will enable them all to draw what they require from the shared store of goods set aside for individual consumption.

Doom and gloom are presently the prevalent moods with many predicting the end of civilisation as a result of global warming.  It’s refreshing that there exists a rather more optimistic alternative for the future. We have arrived at a period in which technology has the potential to raise the basic standard of living for every man, woman and child on the planet. Within a generation, we are capable of providing goods and services, once reserved for the wealthy few, to any and all who need them. Or desire them. Abundance for all is within our grasp. Under capitalism, the advances in technology will be abused. Drones, for instance, which could be used to transport medicine to remote areas, are being used to kill people. Nor can capitalism remove its profit-seeking for capital accumulation as the driving force of economic activity.  Nor will it eliminate the enormous waste of resources this involves, nor prevent economic crises like the present one when austerity, not abundance is the order of the day.

  The all-round application of science and technology has created potential abundance and, from time to time, unsold overstocks at world level, on the one hand, and devastating unemployment on the other. Then goods remain unsold; means of production and machines remain idle, while work-hands remain jobless. This situation has become a regular problem for the global capitalist class. In their ultra-modern factories, farms and workplaces a continually decreasing number of workers are daily producing huge amounts of goods and services and adding to the already existing potential and actual plenty. Abundance for all, that is socialism. However, the task of taking possession of abundance remains pending. It's historical taken – the working class is still lacking this revolutionary will.

By what magic do you intend to bring out this fabulous era of abundance the plutocrats and oligarchs will ask ironically. There's no mystery about it. We will be able to make abundance appear because it is already here. It is not so much that socialism is suddenly going to produce abundance but because capitalism artificially maintains scarcity, it will be more a matter of simply liberating it.

In socialism, goods will be freely available and free of charge. The organisation of society to its very foundations will be without money.


The Socialist Party is like no other political party. First, because it doesn't want power for itself. In the new society we advocate, there will be no power structures anyway and our organisation would cease to exist. Second, because we have no leaders or followers and think instead that collective decision-making - democracy - is the only suitable way to operate a free society. Do you know of any other organisation that can say this? We doubt it. .Socialism is the voluntary co-operation of the majority in a world of abundance. The abundance exists now Only the money and profit system stands in the way. All that is needed is for people to agree that capitalism is unnecessary and undesirable. The power is in our hands. We are the workers who run society. Without us nothing moves, nothing functions, nothing gets made. If we refuse en masse to support a system of poverty, wars, states, prisons and money-scarcity, it cannot continue to operate. Don't be misled into thinking that socialism is an idle day-dream. It can be a reality. It can be established immediately. It is the sole alternative to chaos and the only real way to achieve equality and freedom.  if there is no future for the socialist movement then there no future for humanity itself. 



Saturday, September 02, 2017

Janus Sheridan's Two Faces

Once again, this blog is astounded at the audacity of Tommy "liar, liar, pants on fire" Sheridan 

We read  "Solidarity leader Tommy Sheridan spoke outside the Reichstag building at the event organised by Germans for Scottish Independence. Organisers said they wanted to raise awareness of the campaign in Germany and show support for the independence movement in Scotland."

The hypocrisy once more is shown of the man whose personal vanity project "Solidarity" campaigned for "Leave" in the EU referendum and cut links with much of Europe's working class.

But anything for a bit publicity, eh, Tam?

It is time for socialism


The future of human survival depends upon our ability to create a society based on socialist principles. We overthrow capitalism. Resistance to capitalism is fragmented into mostly separate movements and these must become a unified coordinated struggle against the system that represses all of them.  Only a movement that musters all these diverse struggles under one banner will lead us toward an economic democracy. The Social Revolution seeks to transform the existing system and create a different society.  It requires a strong class politics to win over workers.  Shared experiences and common interests can defeat ingrained cultural differences and prejudices.  For the majority of people, living standards are on the decline, job-security is diminishing, wages and social welfare systems are being brutally cut. This may cause a certain amount of despair but it also brings anger against the system but which can be badly focussed.  People must be willing to work together and not scape-goat other victims.  Nevertheless, the system's ruthlessness and callousness offer an opportunity and a challenge for the Socialist Party to promote and advocate the socialist alternative. Only a mass socialist movements can create the transformation we need. The left offers just rhetoric but socialists must present real solutions if we can have genuine hope to win over the majority. Rather than calling for reform, the Socialist Party possesses a compelling vision of a radical change to the current political and economic systems.  A new socialist vision for a socialist society cannot be built on the discredited history of the left-wing parties. And our class politics moves beyond the token protests.  Our campaigns must help people to start re-imagining the future and what can be achieved when the resources of the planet become the common property of all. To be effective, we must communicate in a language that speaks to people's needs, enabling them to both identify and recognize themselves with the conditions that produce the suffering they experience.   The socialist project is about identifying the root causes of our exploitation and oppression. We have a system based on capitalism, by definition, it means there are very few winners and very many losers.  The 95 percent that are on the losing end. The few are using the profits extracted from the many to stay in control and suppress democracy. The problems workers face are too deeply ingrained within the capitalist system to resolve without ending it. The Socialist Party supports workers in their struggles over wages and working conditions and we wish our fellow-proletarians every success, but we do not see it as our task to give detailed advice on how to conduct these struggles. That is something for those involved to decide themselves. We would merely urge workers to recognise that they have a fundamental conflict of interest with their employers (whether private or state); to subordinate sectional demands to the interests of the working class as a whole; and to decide democratically on what action to take, whatever it might be. Trade union action, whether official or unofficial, has its limits. It defends wages and working conditions, but it leaves the places of work in the hands of their owners. As long as this class ownership lasts, workers will have to —and should—take such defensive action but they should also realise its limitations and the need to organise on the political field too in order to capture the machinery of government and make the means of production the common property of society as a whole.


Friday, September 01, 2017

Socialism - a politics of solidarity


We cannot traffic in our principles, we can make no compromise, no agreement with the ruling system. We must break with the ruling system and fight it to a finish." - Wilhelm Liebneckt

The Socialist Party rejects this view which implies that the working class is a simple tool to be used as a mass basis for the capture of power by a left-wing political party. Lenin's theory of the vanguard party — his most notorious departure from Marx which says that the revolution can only be achieved by a party of professional revolutionaries leading the discontented masses — was taken straight from the Russian revolutionary tradition. Its pedigree can be traced back through Tkachev and Ogarev to West European thinkers like Babeuf and Buonarroti whose idea of revolution was coloured by the Great French Bourgeois Revolution. Marx went beyond, and specifically repudiated, the idea of self-appointed liberators leading the mass of ignorant people to freedom. Lenin constantly referred back to the French Revolution and the attitude of the Jacobins for inspiration. The practical policy that grew out of the French Revolution and continued like a red thread through the working class movement afterwards, openly adopted successively by Blanqui and Lenin was based on the idea that an active minority can carry with it an inert and ignorant mass; it is a policy that depends upon leadership and ultimately places power in the hands of one or two outstanding people. Many people still think that Lenin was a socialist. Nothing could be further from the truth. By the turn of the nineteenth century, Jacobin ideas have almost died out in France but were enjoying a revival in Russia, a country whose political and social system had many of the features of France’s ancien regime. Here the idea of a minority revolutionary dictatorship had an attraction for the anti- Tsarist revolutionaries, including some of those who considered themselves Marxists. Among the latter was Lenin. All the guidance by revolutionary vanguard parties with "infallible” leaders like Lenin at their head can never be a substitute for a self-reliant working class.

The change from capitalism to socialism can only be carried out consciously, as the conscious act of the great majority of the working class. Members of the Socialist Party, unlike Bolshevik professional revolutionaries, do not try to latch on to the working class. Socialist Party members are not a special type of person whose ideas are formed in a different way from the rest of the working class. We are simply part of the working class who want and understand socialism, faced with the problem of how to get their ideas over to our fellow-workers. To do this, we need to take no special steps to be with the working class. We are already there. The task of the Socialist Party at present, when they are a tiny minority, is to organise ourselves in as effective a way as possible to put over the case for socialism and to help the evolution of socialist understanding. For this, an independent political organisation and propaganda agency is best suited. This is the only organisational form which allows socialists to express their views fully and freely, openly and honestly. If they were part of an organisation whose aims they did not share, the Socialist Party would have to waste its time on the problems of that organisation. And besides, we would be associated with it and its failures.

There are many ways of getting ideas across to other workers; through your own journal, pamphlets and leaflets; through meetings indoor and outdoor; through canvassing and discussion. This is currently the work of the Socialist Party. We contest elections in opposition to the other parties. Elections are about who shall control the state. At present, because the great majority of workers don't know what socialism is or don't see it as a real alternative, they elect to office people pledged to run capitalism. Socialist Party members, however, vote only for socialist candidates. We play no part in handing over political power to the capitalist class. 

The Socialist Party is not opposed to the Parliamentary system. We hold that the only important thing that is wrong about Parliament, from our point of view, is that it is controlled by the wrong people and for the wrong purpose. Its M.P.s at present have been sent there by electors who want capitalism to be retained. When a majority of the electors have become socialists they will send their delegates to Parliament with the mandate to establish socialism. In the words of our Declaration of Principles, the machinery of government, including the armed forces of the nation, will be converted from an instrument of oppression into the agent of emancipation. We have always held the above views, and have never been beguiled by the various opposing views that have had their long or short periods of popularity. Our Party never went in for theories of armed revolt or general strikes, or "taking and holding" the factories by industrial organisations. History is a weapon in the hands of a Socialist party. But for capitalist parties, it is just an embarrassment, especially when the record of their own blunders and compromises is recalled. Apart from minor errors, our party's analysis of political events and social developments has been correct throughout the years we have been working for socialism. 

Lenin’s switch in 1917 from aiming at a democratic republic to a "socialist” one took him even further away from Marxism, but it did not invalidate his previous analysis of how Russia’s bourgeois revolution would come. The role of the Bolsheviks in Russia’s bourgeois revolution did indeed turn out to be the same as that of the Jacobins in France’s, that is, to carry through measures against the old order the bourgeoisie themselves were incapable of. The great difference was that while the Jacobins' rule did not last, the Bolsheviks’ rule did and the Bolshevik rulers gradually evolved into a new bourgeoisie (or capitalist class) themselves.  The Leninists of today will argue the end justifying the means, that it was done in order to bring about socialism. But undemocratic means can never bring about democratic ends; any minority which seizes power can only retain it by violent, undemocratic methods.


Socialist Standard No. 1357 September 2017

Thursday, August 31, 2017

Paying the price of the recession

Some Scots could take up to a decade to save up for the deposit for their first home, BBC Scotland analysis suggests.
A person on typical wages saving 10% of their take-home pay a month could take almost eight years to save up a 10% deposit for the average property. And in some areas with higher property values, like Edinburgh, it could take more than a decade.
Generation Y, the millennials born between 1980 and 2000, coming of age in the wake of the financial crisis and years of steadily rising house prices, this group has faced a much more difficult path into the property market than previous generations. This has left many in the private rented sector, struggling to save up for a deposit while dealing with rising rents.
63% of those aged 16 to 24 and 61% of those aged 25 to 34 were saving up either for a deposit for a home or for home improvements.
They found that those 25- to 34-year-olds saved £132.63 per month, on average - roughly 10% of their monthly take-home pay of £1,341. The 16-to 24-year-olds saved at a slightly higher rate, potentially due to more of this group still living at home.
BBC Scotland analysis applied this 10% savings rate to pay levels in various parts of Scotland, assuming a 35-hour full-time working week, and then put that up against average house prices in those same areas. With the money going into savings with an interest rate of 1%, it would take a first-time buyer several years to save up enough money for a 10% deposit.In Edinburgh, this could stretch to more than 11 years; in Perth and Kinross, almost 10 years; in Aberdeen, almost eight years; and in Glasgow, more than six years.
Shelter Scotland said young people were increasingly caught between rising property prices and increasingly expensive rents.
Director Graeme Brown said people were "stuck in a very difficult place", with home ownership "often actually just a dream".
He said: "We know that in terms of buying a house, that's out of reach for most people on average wages. You have to have a 10% deposit, and of course prices have risen steadily over the past five or ten years, even since the great financial crisis prices have gone up. On the other hand social housing simply hasn't been built at the rate we need it to be built at, so people have been forced into the private rented sector. That's their only option. And that of course means private rented sector rents have risen because there's so much demand."
Rents for properties in the private sector increased by more than 10% over the six years from 2010 to 2016. Even a single bedroom in a shared property has increased from an average rent of £300 in 2010 to £340 in 2016.
Mr Brown said the situation was "absolutely" getting worse, with the increasing difficulty of sourcing a deposit amid "stagnating" wages - often while still paying rent at the same time.
He said: "The only way people can usually do that is through the famous 'bank of mum and dad', but for those people where that's not an option, they are really going to struggle. There's no doubt that young people will look now at the home-owning market and say, that's not going to be a reality for me. Whereas 15, 25 years ago most young people would have the aspiration at least to actually become a home owner. Home ownership is not for everyone, but young people just simply don't have the choices these days. That's the issue. I think the housing market in a sense is a reflection of how we've reacted to young people. Young people are actually now paying the price for the great financial crisis. That's going to be a long time until that's sorted."

Sleep in the Park - Homelessness for sale.

A sleep-out to end homelessness in Scotland is set to take place in Princes Street Gardens in Edinburgh for a night. It will see a line-up - consisting of Liam Gallagher, Amy MacDonald, Deacon Blue, and Frightened Rabbit - come together on December 9.
Sir Bob Geldof, the Band Aid organiser will sleep overnight in the gardens and John Cleese will also be making speaking appearances. The Monty Python legend will read a bedtime story. Comedian Rob Brydon will host. the Band Aid organiser will sleep overnight in the gardens. Edinburgh City Council, council leader Adam McVey, his deputy Cammy Day and council chief executive Andrew Kerr will also sleep out themselves.

Homelessness charity Social Bite wants to raise funds and work together to stop the “sticky plaster mentality” and get to the root issues with a plan to eradicate homelessness over a five-year period. Organisers have set a fundraising target of £4 million from the event, but are also looking to generate 1,000 employment offers and 1,000 lodging pledges. Josh Littlejohn was the entrepreneur who brought George Clooney and Leonardo DiCaprio to Edinburgh. People must pledge to raise at least £100 for Social Bite, which has just begun work on Scotland’s first “homeless village,” to secure a ticket for the event while 2000 spaces will be set aside for corporate teams, who will be asked to make a fundraising commitment of at least £3000 for five places.

Yet again, Socialist Courier can applaud the sincerity of well-meaning individuals who genuinely consider they are personally doing their bit helping to solve one of the problems of the day – lack of housing. But that does not mean that we in the Socialist Party can endorse such futile gestures as this, which do not come close to addressing the real root cause of homelessness and bad housing – capitalism, the system all those good-intentioned media personalities support.

Under capitalism, houses are produced as commodities to be bought and sold for a profit. The developer is compelled by competition to struggle for profit and a struggle against competitors,  a market war of each against all. The housing needs of workers are not his problem. In this profit struggle, the diverse needs of society can never be met. We are born into a class system in which we are propertyless and can only exist by selling our labour-power to an employer. We get the housing conditions corresponding to that class position. Capitalism is a society of haves and have-nots, of winners and losers. Homeless people are at the unlucky end of the social scale. Many of us are only just one pay-packet or two away from being thrown into homelessness. It is no surprise that companies will be sponsoring this “sleep-out”. Supported housing and other homeless services may help some people to progress, but they can’t solve the problem of homelessness itself.  Instead, homelessness is a business opportunity for capitalist organisations to feed on. Every problem created by capitalism – debt, lack of opportunity, lack of skills, addiction, crime – has become a consumer demand for a service. Homeless people are customers, who staff are supposed to think of as targets and outcomes to be recorded and collated. And in the cut-throat competition for funding, homeless services are integrating further with the market-driven dynamics of the economy. When society is driven by economic forces, rather than what people want and need, then some people inevitably suffer. Increased funding, new services, or reformed procedures may help a few people in the short-term, but they can’t address the causes of the problem.

It is no intention of ours to sneer at attempts to grapple with the vast and depressing housing problem. It is to their credit that they have at least taken a look at it, for all too often it fosters an attitude of apathy and hopelessness. But having said that, there is nothing in this campaign to shake our conviction that homelessness and bad housing is a product of private property society. The solution is not to tinker around with charitable gestures, but to create a world of common ownership. Decent houses will then be built and lived in.

More on Marxist Theory

Basically, capitalist society is divided into the capitalist class and the working class. The great majority fall into the latter category: those who produce wealth by applying their ability to work with raw materials, either in the state in which they are found naturally or already transformed by human labour. The minority, the capitalist class, are those who purchase this useful activity and employ it to increase their own wealth. How is the capitalist class able to buy the abilities of the worker? Because the division is based on ownership. The capitalists are the owners of all wealth of social significance. In comparison to them all previous owning classes—feudal lords, slave-owners, churches and ancient potentates—appear like paupers. The capitalist class have grabbed all the earth’s resources and will maintain their ownership until the working class decides to take it away. The workers own practically nothing, and as a consequence of this fundamental fact the worker is forced to sell his or her ability to work.

The capitalists are the greediest class in history. They insist that the workers continue to produce more and more wealth; not for the purposes of human satisfaction but solely to increase the profits of the capitalists and enable them to increase their ownership of wealth. The working class is the most “charitable”. Having produced all this wealth they allow it to be appropriated by another class, whilst they live in various degrees of poverty. There has never been such philanthropy in the history of the world! When the working class establishes a society of cooperation in their own interests as distinct from the interests of others, it will be a step towards a society that brings to an end the ruling exploiting class.

On the face of it, the Socialist Party attitude of opposition to reformism often seems harsh. We are frequently accused of being unsympathetic to worthy causes or removed from the centre of important action. Neither charge is true. These charges are superficial responses to a thorough assessment of social reforms which are at best irrelevant and most of the time dangerously diverting. We do not doubt that there are much sincerity and indignation in reformist campaigns, but by itself, this is not enough. Of course, it is important to care but sincerity can be misdirected and therefore illusory. When indignation is made sterile, it is tragic. Socialists want to avoid this.

The Socialist Party's attitude to programmes of social reform is central to our political position. It is a matter of crucial importance that this attitude be clearly understood. The Socialist Party commitment is to the solution of working-class problems confronting mankind. The two are inseparable. Socialist policy is not arrived at through obstinacy nor by a deliberate selection of difficult paths. Socialist policy is determined by the facts of the situation as we find them. Our analysis of society is directed first towards a description of the way in which social problems arise and then to a programme of political action which would lead to their solution. This is an objective analysis of the reality of everyday human experience, which leads to principles of action given by practical necessity. If social problems can be shown to be inherent within capitalist society then it follows that capitalism must be replaced by different social arrangements which will not generate the same problems. Social reform policies leave the basic structure of capitalism intact. Therefore programmes of social reform cannot hope to solve social problems. This argument is supported by a theory which is proved valid by the evidence of real experience. Whether it be through well-meaning ignorance or opportunism, one thing is certain, the present chaos shows that after a century of social reform, basic social problems remain unsolved. So-called “pragmatists,” tell us that politics is the art of the possible to justify compromise since political change require integrity of purpose and action. Socialism is the science of what is possible, and the surrender of principle is totally self-defeating. 

Capitalism cripples humanity. It does this in every way in which life is important. Materially it limits production to what is profitable. To maintain this human needs are sacrificed. At the level of relationships, capitalism is exploitative, men and women are objects to be used, their best potentialities as cooperative human beings remain unrealised. The condition of our lives is given by the productive relationships of capitalism. This material condition is circumscribed by economic laws which are not merely a product of capitalism but are inseparable from its nature. Under capitalism, the working class must secure its material standards within the limitations of the class ownership of the means of production, and the production of commodities for sale on the market with a view to profit. Within this system, the possibilities of employment and the ceiling on wages are determined mainly by the expectation of profit. In all the circumstances of class struggle in capitalist society, capital and labour pursue their interests against a background of competition and the struggle for markets, control of trade routes and resources, continued capital accumulation, strikes and other industrial action and the expansion and contraction of production which is the trade cycle. Our social possibilities are confined within the general anarchy of capitalist production with all its artificial scarcity.

The total amount of wealth that becomes available in the form of commodities (the social product), is given not by political processes but by economic processes within the framework and limitations of capitalism.  In describing the economic limitations within which wealth becomes available under capitalism we are at the same time describing forces which prevent capitalism from operating in the interests of the whole community. In reaction to these conditions, various protest movements and reformist organizations become active in the hope that either as pressure groups or political parties they can improve the material conditions of life. We have ruled out the idea that such organizations can lead to a greater availability of wealth under capitalism. The organizations best suited to achieve a distribution of the social product more in favour of the working class are the trade unions. But even with their muscle and the pressures that they are able to apply, they have to accept that there is little they can do. When trade is expanding trade unions can negotiate marginal increases in wages. In the present time of recession with a high level of unemployment, even trade unions have to accept a lowering of workers’ living standards. They can only wait now until their negotiating hand is strengthened, whenever that may be. This by itself is a sad comment on the way in which capitalist economics is beyond any rational control.

With the welfare schemes of the post-war years, such as family allowances, improved old age pensions, sickness, and unemployment benefits etc., the state became more involved in the distribution of the social product. These schemes are part of the distribution of that portion of available wealth which goes to the working class as a whole. These measures were supposed to herald the dawn of a new era of social equality. The only equality about them was that the state organized and administered the more equal distribution of working class poverty. Regardless of the hopes of reformists, these schemes were introduced and are maintained by governments for the purpose of stabilizing and augmenting the general pattern of exploitative relationships. It is important to emphasize that what becomes available for this kind of distribution is given by the general level of exploitation over the whole economic field and again this is beyond the control of reformist governments. With some exceptions, on balance history does not show that capitalism has unwillingly absorbed reform. On the contrary, capitalism generates reform in its own interests. Reform is part of the normal pattern of political administration, its function being to stabilize capitalism. Social reform is the political process through which capitalism continues its own economic development and since government and the state are the political expressions of capitalist ownership, social reform will preserve that class interest. Reformism, inevitably then, involves an endorsement of capitalist productive relationships.

It is an undeniable fact that under capitalism man cannot control the productive process. We cannot set up productive objectives and then organize social resources to achieve those objectives. For example, the Labour Party has been powerless to act against mounting unemployment and lowering working-class standards. This is the price we pay for private ownership and the profit motive. The solution is to bring productive relationships into harmony with human needs. The means of producing wealth must be commonly owned, the earth’s resources must be at the free disposal of the whole of mankind. In these relationships, free from the economic barriers of capitalism, man can co-operate to simply produce the wealth that humanity needs. Socialism will not only achieve productive efficiency but will establish a pattern of relationships in which the dignity of man’s coming together will be enhanced through equality and co-operation. We can only break away from the self-repeating failures of reformism by recognizing that the problem is capitalism itself. We can replace disillusion with effective action by working to establish socialism.

Wednesday, August 30, 2017

Scotland's Inequality

Pat Rafferty, Scottish Secretary of the union Unite Scotland, writes:

Picture a wedding reception with a 100 guests The hotel staff wheel out the wedding cake. It is set out in 4 equally sized tiers. Suddenly 10 of the guests step forward and without any hesitation devour two of the four tiers, leaving only two for the other 90 guests. You might say this could never happen but it is exactly what’s going on across Britain, where the richest 10 per cent hold 45 per cent of the wealth in the country. The Herald investigation about the pay of Scotland’s top chief executives revealed a divided Scotland – a Scotland where the chief executive of RBS has a top line on his pay packet of £65,000 a week and a 20 year old shop worker on the minimum wage of £5.60 an hour gets £225 a week before tax. That’s an inequality ratio of almost 300-1.

The chief executive of Royal Bank of Scotland had at his a top line £3.5m a year. RBS is currently running a massive advertising campaign to explain that it is not the Royal Bank "of" Scotland but the Royal Bank "for" Scotland. It’s actually the Royal Bank "for" its senior executives. And before we hear the howls of indignation from the ‘deserving rich’ we say simply there is no way those at the top of big companies who award themselves countless millions deserve it. There is nothing you can do that justifies a salary of £3.5m.

 Danny Dorling points out in “The Equality Effect” that the UK now has a greater inequality ratio than Africa’s Burkina Faso and the USA is more unequal than Uganda.

Those on zero hours contracts and rock-bottom wages, families dependent on food banks can’t wait for some future fiscal salvation from tax reform. Enter Unite Scotland. Building the trade union movement is the answer for the here and now. Where the union is strong decent wage rates replace poverty pay.

Welcome to the Revolution

The vote has provided a tool to the working class for its emancipation. The vote gives us the power to determine our own destiny. Yet, what cannot be denied is that the working class has not significantly exerted its strength to bring about any change in its own favour. The ideological power which the capitalist class hold over the working class is such that, despite full adult franchise there has been no corresponding alteration of the social system from one benefiting a parasitic minority to one benefiting all people. That the working class has not used the power of the vote and this certainly contrary to the expectation of many of its early opponents, who believed that giving the right to affect political decisions to non-property owners would instantly lead to social revolution.

So far the workers have used the vote to register their consent to the present system. Each time an election comes around, seventy-five to eighty per cent of the electorate vote, mainly for the Labour or Conservative parties. About twenty per cent of the electorate regularly abstains from voting, although it is impossible to tell how many do so positively (as a conscious refusal to vote for the parties standing) and how many are negative abstainers (those who do not care). Even among those who do not vote many are confused or cynical. Many Labour voters may decide themselves that they want to see a social change in the interest of the working class, many Tory voters are looking for a party that will defend them from the omnipotence of the State, many LibDems are simply not voting for the others. There is nothing new in Labour and Conservative Parties adopting each other’s policies; that is all part of the fact that they have basically the same policy — the maintenance of capitalism and, within that social system, the protection of the interests of the British capitalist class.

But there is another possibility, which is not voting for useless leaders but considering the idea of socialism and then voting for it. The Socialist Party exists to provide an alternative to those who wish to lead the working class. A vote for real socialists in a General Election is a vote in your own confidence to determine your future. If there is a socialist candidate in your constituency he will be conspicuous by not grovelling for your vote, but only asking you to vote socialist if you understand and want socialism. If there is not a socialist candidate but you want to cast your vote for socialism, then write “Socialism” across your ballot paper. In every election it is power that is at stake; are you going to give a blank cheque to the parties of the profit system or will you use your vote in your own class interest? The weapon of the vote is yours; you have only to use it. The working-class movement should concern itself with the spread of socialist knowledge and with principles, not personalities. If the workers continue to put their trust in leaders and cherish the ever-renewed hope that at last, they have found the inspired political Moses, who will lead them out of the wilderness, they do so at their peril. Fellow-workers socialism alone can end your degradation. Don’t be misled as to what constitutes “socialism?" Study the eight points of our “Declaration of Principles,” and be assured that our “Object” is no pious expression of impossible attainment. In the politically instructed worker lies the future hope of all mankind.