The Yellow Brick Road

"Have you heard of the wonderful wizard, The wonderful Wizard of Oz, And he is a wonderful wizard, If ever a wizard there was"

While many today consider gold an instrument of financial and personal freedom, Frank Baum, author of 'The Wonderful Wizard of Oz' painted it as a villain - the tool of oppression. Baum published the book in 1900, just after the US emerged from a period of deflation and depression. Prices had fallen by about 22% over the previous 16 years, causing huge debt. Farmers were among those badly affected, and the Populist political party was set up to represent their interests and those of industrial labourers. The US was then operating on the gold standard - a monetary system which valued the dollar according to the quantity of gold. A key plank in the Populist Party platform was a demand for "free silver" - that is, the "free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold" at a fixed ratio of sixteen to one. Populists and other free-silver proponents advocated unlimited coinage of the white metal in order to inflate the money supply, This would have increased the US money supply, raised price levels and reduced farmers' debt burdens thus making it easier for cash-strapped farmers and small businessmen to borrow money and pay off debts. Baum's allegory is a critique of the Populist rationale. The Land of Oz, is a microcosm of America and Oz is short for ounce, the measure for gold and silver. Emerald City, its center, and seat of government, represents Washington, D.C. The journey to Emerald City corresponds to the Populists effort to acquire power in Washington. The yellow brick road is the gold standard. The brainless Scarecrow represents the midwestern farmers. The Tin Man represents the nation's workers, in particular, the industrial workers. The Wicked Witch of the West and the Wicked Witch of the East represent financial-industrial interests and their gold-standard political allies (NY banker J.P.Morgan and JD Rockefeller), the Emerald City of Oz (greenback money is also a delusion). The Wizard is simply a manipulative politician who appears to the people in one form, but works behind the scenes to achieve his true ends through deceit, and even Dorothy’s silver slippers (changed to ruby slippers for more effect in the color movie version) is a symbol of the belief that adding silver coin to gold coin would provide much-needed money to a depression-strapped, 1890s America). Oz is full of monetary reform symbolism.

But it also included some utopian hopes.

In the sequel to the Wizard of Oz 'The Road to Oz' Baum has the Tinwoodman explain:
“It must have cost a lot of money,” remarked the shaggy man. 
“Money! Money in Oz!” cried the Tin Woodman. “What a queer idea! Did you suppose we are so vulgar as to use money here?” 
“Why not?” asked the shaggy man. 
“If we used money to buy things with, instead of love and kindness and the desire to please one another, then we should be no better than the rest of the world,” declared the Tin Woodman. “Fortunately money is not known in the Land of Oz at all. We have no rich, and no poor; for what one wishes the others all try to give him, in order to make him happy, and no one in all Oz cares to have more than he can use...
...[later]"Don't they work at all?" asked the shaggy man.
"To be sure they work," replied the Tin Woodman; "this fair city could not be built or cared for without labor, nor could the fruit and vegetables and other food be provided for the inhabitants to eat. But no one works more than half his time, and the people of Oz enjoy their labors as much as they do their play." ”

The next book in the series, The Emerald City of Oz, Baum goes into more detail (inconsistencies notwithstanding) on the money-less economics:
"There were no poor people in the Land of Oz because there were no such things as money, and all the property of every sort belonged to the Ruler. The people were her children, and she cared for them. Each person was given freely by his neighbors whatever he required for his use, which is as much as anyone may reasonably desire. Some tilled the land and raised great crops of grain, which was divided equally among the entire population so that all had enough. There were many tailors and dressmakers and shoemakers and the like, that made things that any who desired them might wear. Likewise, there were jewellers who made ornaments for the person, which pleased and beautified the people, and these ornaments also were free to those who asked for them. Each man and woman, no matter what he or she produced for the good of the community, was supplied by the neighbors with food and clothing and a house and furniture and ornaments and games. If by chance the supply ever ran short, more was taken from the great storehouses of the Ruler, which were afterward filled up again when there was more of any article than the people needed. Every one worked half the time and played half the time, and the people enjoyed the work as much as they did the play, because it is good to be occupied and to have something to do. There were no cruel overseers set to watch them, and no one to rebuke them or to find fault with them. So each one was proud to do all he could for his friends and neighbors, and was glad when they would accept the things he produced." 

A wizard idea !!!

Change Must Come

Our planet requires a radical rethink by all of us. It requires an economic, social and environmental revolution. We need to think BIG. We do not have the luxury of waiting any longer nor of pinning our hopes on a new government. This may sound apocalyptic, but it is not hyperbole. We need to organise now.

The Socialist Party is up against the fact of life that a new generation has to be convinced afresh that socialism does, in fact, represent a more benevolent an more efficient system for people, that the socialist's idea of the withering away of the state is not a pipe-dream, but a realistic proposal for the future society of human society. The prospects for socialism will be created only when people believe these things again, and only by reasoned debate and discussion can we hope to convince them. Marx and Engels did not identify socialism with nationalisation of property. Their attitude to the state was one of unremitting hostility. Far from wishing to expand its activities, they sought to do away with it. In 1844, Marx declared that the most useful thing the state could do for society was to commit suicide. The following year, he and Engels declared ‘... if the proletarians wish to assert themselves as individuals, they must overthrow the state.’ Marx celebrated the Paris Commune of 1871 on the grounds that it was ‘a Revolution against the State itself’. And in 1884, Engels looked forward to the day when the state would end its life ‘in the Museum of Antiquities, by the side of the spinning wheel and the bronze axe’. What inspiring visions. What is wrong with the state is that it supports the ruling class, capitalism, and private property. But more so, its existence is nothing but a barrier to socialism. Socialists who seek to maintain the state are simply not socialists.

The aim of the Socialist Party is to overthrow world capitalism and replace it by world socialism,  which will end the class division of society. The future socialist society will be state-free. With private property in industry and land abolished (but, of course, not in articles of personal use), with exploitation of the toilers ended, and with the capitalist class finally defeated and all classes liquidated, there will then be no further need for the State, which is an organ of class repression. In socialism, the guiding principle will be: “From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs.” That is, the distribution of life necessities—food, clothing, shelter, education, etc.—will be free, without let or hindrance. Socialist production, carried out upon the most efficient basis and freed from the drains of capitalist exploiters, will provide such an abundance of necessary commodities that there will be plenty for all with a minimum of effort. There will then be no need for pinch-penny measuring and weighing. Social solidarity will be quite sufficient to prevent possible idlers from taking advantage of this free regime of distribution by either refusing to work or by unsocial waste.

The road to this social development can only be opened by a social revolution. This is because the question of power is involved. When the workers have conquered political power the way is clear for an orderly development of society by a process of evolution. The Socialist Party seeks to liberate ourselves and fellow-workers from patterns of thought that replicate the inequalities built into our social systems.  Because capitalism is a globally integrated system, it must exist everywhere. Contrary to the assumptions of left-liberals the social ills of capitalism is not merely a bad policy adopted by “greedy” elites.  It is, in fact, fundamental systemic flaws within the capitalist society itself. The system is called capitalism because it was forged for centuries and is presided over by those whose overarching objective is to serve the interests of owners of capital.  The bottom-line priority of those who own society’s most valuable asset, its means of production, is that society be organized around the continuous increase of wealth, especially the wealth and income of its wealthiest.  The evidence is unambiguous.

Typhoid or Cholera?

Socialism is almost globally misunderstood and misrepresented. Socialism will be a basic structural change to society, and many of the things that most people take for granted, as "just the way things have to be", can and must be changed to establish socialism.
People tend to accept as true the things they hear over and over again. But repetition doesn't make things true. Because the truth and the facts often contradict "common knowledge", socialists have to show that "common knowledge" is wrong. That takes more words than just accepting the status quo.

Commodity production is organised within the constraints of the circulation of capital. This capital can accumulate, maintain its level or become depleted. The economic pressure on capital is that of accumulation, the alternative is bankruptcy. The production and distribution of goods are entirely subordinate to the pressure on capital to accumulate. Therefore the practical, technical organisation of production is entirely separate from the economic organisation of the accumulation of capital in which cost/ price, value factors play a vital part. The economic signals of the market are not signals to produce useful things. They signal the prospects of profit and capital accumulation, If there is a profit to be made then production will take place; if there is no prospect of profit, then production will not take place. Profit not need is the deciding factor.

This market system, involving the circulation of capital, generates commodity values which are brought into a relationship of exchange in the market, so that value, surplus to the value of labor-power, embodied in commodities is realised through sales. When enterprises calculate costs as a relationship of labour-time to output this is not with a view to passing on socially useful information about the organisation of production. They are calculating costs plus the average rate of profit. Through the exchange of labour-power for wages, capital is invested in the power of workers to produce goods. It is with active labour functioning as deployed capital that capital expands. Labour-power generates more values than it consumes. These surplus values belong to the enterprise in the material form of commodities which are then sold on the market. This is where capital realises its self-expansion and thereby accumulates. The market price of commodities produced must exceed the price of the materials and labour-power required to produce them. This is what costing is all about, it has nothing to do with the practical organisation of production In its overall effect the subordination of useful production to the accumulation of capital distorts and constrains social production. The market is at every point in the system a barrier of exchange between production, distribution and social needs. The circulation of capital confines useful labour within a self-enclosed system of exchange. Labour is activated by an exchange of labour-power for wages and this is determined by the capacity of the market to provide profit through sales.

In a socialist society, there will be no money and no exchange and no barter. Goods will be voluntarily produced, and services voluntarily supplied to meet people's needs. People will freely take the things they need. Socialism will be concerned solely with the production, distribution, and consumption of useful goods and services in response to definite needs. It will integrate social needs with the material means of meeting those needs.

Common ownership is not state ownership. State ownership is merely the ownership by the capitalist class as a whole, instead of by individual capitalists, and the government then runs the state enterprises to serve the capitalist class. In the self-proclaimed "communist" states the state enterprises serve those who control the party/state apparatus. The working class does not own or control. It produces for a privileged minority.

Common ownership means that society as a whole owns the means and instruments for distributing wealth. It also implies the democratic control of the means and instruments for producing and distributing wealth, for if everyone owns, then everyone must have equal right to control the means and instruments for producing and distributing wealth.

The task of capitalist ideology is to maintain the veil which keeps people from seeing that their own activities reproduce the form of their daily life,  the task of the Socialist Party is to unveil the activities of daily life, to render them transparent. As soon as people accept money as an equivalent for life, the sale of living activity becomes a condition for their physical and social survival. Life is exchanged for survival. Creation and production come to mean sold activity.As soon as people accept the terms of this exchange, daily activity takes the form of universal prostitution.

Capitalist ideology treats land, capital , and the products of labour, as things which have the power to produce, to create value, to work for their owners, to transform the world. This is what Marx called the fetishism which characterises people's everyday conceptions, and which is raised to the level of dogma by economics. For the economist, living people are things - factors of production -, and things live money - works, Capital - produces. When men refuse to sell their labour, money cannot perform even the simplest tasks, because money does not " work ". The notion of the "productivity of capital," and particularly the detailed measurement of that "productivity," are inventions of the "science" of Economics.

The production of surplus value is a condition of survival, not for the population, but for the capitalist system. Surplus value is the portion of the value of commodities produced by labour which is not returned to the labourers. It can be expressed either in commodities or in money, but this does not alter the fact that it is an expression for the materialized labour which is stored in a given quantity of products. Since the products can be exchanged for an "equivalent" quantity of money, the money "stands for," or represents, the same value as the products. The money can, in turn, be exchanged for another quantity of products of "equivalent" value. The ensemble of these exchanges, which take place simultaneously during the performance of capitalist daily life, constitutes the capitalist process of circulation. It is through this process that the metamorphosis of surplus value into Capital takes place.
The portion of value which does not return to labour, namely surplus value, allows the capitalist to exist, and it also allows him to do much more than simply exist. The capitalist invests a portion of this surplus value; he hires new workers and buys new means of production; he expands his dominion. What this means is that the capitalist accumulates new labour, both in the form of the living labour he hires and of the past labour (paid and unpaid) which is stored in the materials and machines he buys.

The capitalist class as a whole accumulates the surplus labour of society, but this process takes place on a social scale and consequently cannot be seen if one observes only the activities of an individual capitalist. It must be remembered that the products bought by a given capitalist as instruments have the same characteristics as the products he sells. A first capitalist sells instruments to a second capitalist for a given sum of value, and only a part of this value is returned to workers as wages; the remaining part is surplus value, with which the first capitalist buys new instruments and labor. The second capitalist buys the instruments for the given value, which means that he pays for the total quantity of labor rendered to the first capitalist, the quantity of labour which was remunerated as well as the quantity performed free of charge. This means that the instruments accumulated by the second capitalist contain the unpaid labour performed for the first. The second capitalist, in turn, sells his products for a given value, and returns only a portion of this value to his laborers; he uses the remainder for new instruments and labour.

If the whole process were squeezed into a single time period, and if all the capitalists were aggregated into one, it would be seen that the value with which the capitalist acquires new instruments and labour is equal to the value of the products which he did not return to the producers. This accumulated surplus labour is Capital.

In terms of capitalist society as a whole, the total Capital is equal to the sum of unpaid labour performed by generations of human beings whose lives consisted of the daily alienation of their living activity. In other words Capital, in the face of which men sell their living days, is the product of the sold activity of men, and is reproduced and expanded every day a man sells another working day, every moment he decides to continue living the capitalist form of daily life.

Matters little if capitalism is small or large - either way, it is based on robbery. The choice of "good" or "bad" capitalism is little different than choosing between typhoid or cholera.

The Robots are Coming

ROBOTS FOR SOCIALISM

Two-thirds of Scots fear the impact of robots.

Scotland needs to do more to address the risk of robots replacing humans in the workplace, trade unions have warned.

The unions claim urgent action needs to be taken to ensure workers are not left unemployed as a result of widespread advances in automation. The warnings came as a report revealed the UK is lagging behind other countries when it comes to preparing for the changes - with education and training the main areas of concern.

Pat Rafferty, Scottish Secretary of trade union Unite, warned the report should "set alarm bells ringing" for Scots. He said: "The report’s analysis that we are behind in the education of young people to enable them to benefit from automation is a warning. "So too is the fact that the report finds there is a clear lack of adequate training in innovation in the workplace, and the policies to make that happen."

Rafferty claimed trade unions believe there are positive gains to be made from automation, but warned against a "nightmare scenario of machines replacing workers and cataclysmic numbers thrown out of work". He added: "We need to learn lessons quickly and if the Economist report is to be seriously considered we need to face up to the fact that currently the UK is lagging behind dangerously."

Dave Watson, Unison head of public affairs, said,  "We should be anticipating where we are likely to see job losses and putting measures in place to ensure that we have a just transition to new types of jobs. Industry will not do this, it's very hard to get companies to plan that far in advance, so government needs to step up to the plate."

Food Parcel Nation

Food banks in Scotland handed out a record number of food parcels last year, according to new figures.

More than 170,000 three day emergency food supplies were distributed by The Trussell Trust's 52 food banks.

The charity said it saw a 17% increase in demand north of the border in 2017/18, compared to the previous year.

And it claimed a growing proportion of people referred to Scottish food banks have found that their benefits do not cover the cost of essentials. It said the proportion of low income households seeking help from its food banks had increased significantly since April 2016.

The key findings of its latest report were:

• 170,625 food parcels were distributed in Scotland in 2017/18 - 17% more than in the previous year
• 55,038 parcels went to children
• 28% of referrals were on a low income, receiving benefits (up from 22% in 2016/17)
• Debt accounted for 8% of referrals, up from 7% last year
• Benefits delays (22%) and benefit changes (18%) accounted for a large number referrals

Audrey Flannigan manages one of The Trussell Trust's food banks in Glasgow. She said people whose benefits did not stretch to buying essentials were using the service.

"They need to be able to buy things like soap, toothpaste, put money in the meter, they need to be able to buy the kids new shoes or clothes when they need them...asking someone to wait between five and seven weeks before you get your first lot of money surely has to be seen as immoral and inhumane."" she said.

Tony Graham, the director of Scotland at The Trussell Trust, said no-one in Scotland should be left hungry or destitute.

"Food banks are providing absolutely vital, compassionate support in communities across our country, but no charity can replace the dignity of having long-term financial security," he added. "It's completely unacceptable that anyone is forced to turn to a food bank in Scotland, and we'll continue to campaign for systemic change until everyone has enough money coming in to keep pace with the rising cost of essentials like food and housing."

The number of food parcels distributed by The Trussell Trust

The Incas

Capitalism is a buying and selling society in which the human ability to work is bought and sold and results in the capitalist firms that employ them appropriating a surplus from their work, a surplus which takes a monetary form and most of which is re-invested as more capital. A society which exploited the producers but where the surplus extracted from them did not take this form would still be an exploitative class society but not capitalism.

It is possible to have a moneyless class society with a state. The Inca Empire is one such example. Yet they were one of the biggest and most powerful military empire in South America. The Incas were master builders and land planners, capable of extremely sophisticated mountain agriculture - and building cities to match. Incan society was so rich that it could afford to have hundreds of people who specialized in planning the agricultural uses of newly-conquered areas. They built terraced farms on the mountainsides whose crops - from potatoes and maize to peanuts and squash - were carefully chosen to thrive in the average temperatures for different altitudes. They also farmed trees to keep the thin topsoil in good condition. Incan architects were equally talented, designing and raising enormous pyramids, irrigating with sophisticated waterworks such as those found at Tipon, and creating enormous temples like Pachacamac along with mountain retreats like Machu Picchu. In terms of square miles, we're probably talking something like 300,000 sq miles (775,000 sq km),” he said, with a population as high as 12 million people. To support this empire, a system of roads stretched for almost 25,000 miles (roughly 40,000 km), about three times the diameter of the Earth. The road and aqueduct systems the Spanish encountered in the Andes were superior to those in Europe. Inca cities were as large as those of Europe, but more orderly and by all accounts much cleaner and more pleasant places in which to live.

And yet, despite all their productivity, the Incas managed without money or marketplaces.

The Inca Empire did trade with outside cultures to a limited extent, but internally they didn't have any trade and no currency at all. With only a few exceptions found in coastal polities incorporated into the empire, there was no trading class in Inca society, and the development of individual wealth acquired through commerce was not possible . . . A few products deemed essential by the Incas could not be produced locally and had to be imported. In these cases, several strategies were employed, such as establishing colonies in specific production zones for particular commodities and permitting long-distance trade. People "paid" taxes in labor and got "paid" in return with food, clothing, etc. The caste system was not to be questioned; fact was fact – the Incan, an incarnation of the sun was leader and no one could bat an eye at their air-tight rationale. The nobility were at the top of the social totem pole, marked by constantly-enlarged ear holes filled with gold, jewels,

The production, distribution, and use of commodities were centrally controlled by the Inca government. Each citizen of the empire was issued the necessities of life out of the state storehouses, including food, tools, raw materials, and clothing, and needed to purchase nothing. With no shops or markets, there was no need for a standard currency or money, and there was nowhere to spend money or purchase or trade for necessities.

http://io9.gizmodo.com/5872764/the-greatest-mystery-of-the-inca-empire-was-its-strange-economy

The Incas had a centrally planned economy, perhaps the most successful ever seen. Its success was in the efficient management of labor and the administration of resources they collected as tribute. Collective labor was the base for economic productivity and for the creation of social wealth in the Inca society. By working together people in the ayllu created such wealth that the Spanish were astonished with what they encountered. Every citizen was required to contribute with his labor and refusal or laziness was punishable with the death penalty. Labor was divided according to region, agriculture would be centralized in the most productive regions, ceramic production, road building, textile and other skills according to ayllus. The government collected all the surplus after local needs were met and distributed it where it was needed. In exchange for their work citizens had free clothing, food, health care and education. The Incas did not use money, in fact they did not need it. Their economy was so efficiently planned that every citizen had their basic needs met

http://www.discover-peru.org/inca-economy-society/

The Inca economy was not based on a money system, and it did not have commerce (the buying and selling of goods, especially on a large scale) or free trade. The government made sure that everyone had enough land or goods to survive, and it managed the exchange of goods between faraway regions. There were no merchants acting on their own behalf. The government promised to take care of the old and the sick, using the large supply of surplus goods produced by mit'a labor. In times of famine, the government storehouses were opened to the public so that no one would starve. Instead of money, the Incas invested mit'a labor: They directed terracing and irrigation projects that enabled peasants to grow more food. Once surplus food was stored away, some of the people were able to quit farming and pursue other activities.

http://ic.galegroup.com/ic/whic/ReferenceDetailsPage/ReferenceDetailsWindow?zid=9b4d8ed38c077421525f28d7b2340949&action=2&catId=&documentId=GALE%7CCX3424400020&userGroupName=nypl&jsid=d9cf790db2059b3dfb71bede9cca0cf4

The “most unusual aspect of the Inca economy was the lack of a market system and money,” writes McEwan, with only a few exceptions there were no traders in the Inca Empire. “Each citizen of the empire was issued the necessities of life out of the state storehouses, including food, tools, raw materials, and clothing, and needed to purchase nothing.” There were no shops or markets, McEwan notes and, as such, “there was no need for a standard currency or money, and there was nowhere to spend money or purchase or trade for necessities.”

http://www.livescience.com/41346-the-incas-history-of-andean-empire.html

Poverty and Revolution

No one can understand the world without an understanding of the state, and of classes and class struggle. Under the capitalist mode of production, the principal classes in society are the capitalist class and the working class. Their historically-determined production relations form the basis, the economic structure of capitalist society. The capitalist class owns the means of production, the workers work for this class for wages; having no means of production of their own, they are forced to sell their labour power for what they can get. They are thus an exploited class. The state is part of the superstructure erected on the basis of capitalist production relations to reinforce the power of the capitalists to exploit the workers. In the Communist Manifesto, Marx wrote: ‘The executive of the modern state is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.’ Whichever party may have gained the most seats at election time, the capitalist class still constitutes the ruling class and consequently, the capitalist system is still dominant. The state is an organ of class rule, a machine for the oppression of one class by another. Under capitalism, it is organised violence against the working class. It is the main weapon of the capitalists for maintaining their class rule and the privileges which stem from it. And history bears out the truth of this conclusively.

Capitalism inevitably produces exploitation and poverty, war, the oppression of women and 'minorities', poisonous environmental pollution, and the waste of human and natural resources, none of which can be consistently eliminated without the socialist transformation of society.  Many like to paint the ideas of the Socialist Party as no more than a hopeless dream or even a nightmare.  Let us face the facts and that is that the education of the masses is a large and strenuous task, but there can be no socialism until the people desire socialism and strives for socialism. The Socialist Party cannot take part in the work of socialist education till we are ourselves deeply imbued with the socialist ideal and our thoughts and our desires are constantly turning towards the system of society in which the land, the means of production, and distribution are held in common, where production is for use, as and when required, not for profit, exchange or sale and the organisation of production and distribution is by those who do the work for the general welfare and mutual harmony with the other workshops producing the like utility, also with those of all. The Socialist Party declares that the victory of socialism will be achieved only by the independent revolutionary class struggle of the workers against the bourgeoisie and the bourgeois state, only by the abolition of the capitalist state and the entire capitalist order, by the building of worker’s power and the construction of a world socialist society.

The capitalists like to pretend that capitalism is eternal. The fact is, however, that for the greater part of human history mankind lived in tribal society under a system of primitive communism, a system without classes, in which acceptance of the authority of the elders did not require a special coercive force but was freely given, and questions of paramount importance were decided by the tribal assembly. In those times there was no state. Nor did the notion of male superiority exist. Women took part in decision-making on terms of full equality with men. They had an honourable place within the tribe, not only because they did their full share of work on an equal footing with the men, but also because the only sure way to reckon descent was through the mother. It was the development of private property giving rise to the problem of individual inheritance which in turn brought about a male-dominated type of family – the patriarchal family – the emergence of which Engels described as ‘the world-historic defeat of the female sex’

Marx and Engels advised the workers to unite in trade unions and fight for improved wages and shorter hours. In these struggles, victories would be won. The workers could wring concessions out of the capitalists. ‘Now and then’, the authors noted in the Manifesto, ‘the workers are victorious, but only for a time. The real fruit of their battles lies, not in the immediate result, but in the ever-expanding union of the workers.’ Better living standards could be won by trade union pressure, as by political agitation, to secure such improvements as the Ten Hours Act. But such gains would be meagre, precarious and temporary.  As Marx answered Citizen Weston, though real wages could be increased here and there by trade union activity, ‘The general tendency of capitalist production is not to raise, but to sink the average standard of wages.’

The system is rooted in the exploitation of the producer by the property owner, as was every previous system since the birth of civilization. Unlike previous systems of class exploitation, however, capitalism had developed the productive forces to a point which renders the existence of classes unnecessary. Private property alone stands between mankind and the fairly rapid advance to an age of abundance.

Poverty, in itself, has never been a cause of revolution. (Otherwise, revolutions would happen every day in some part of the world.) That capitalism will waste and misuse resources is not seriously in dispute. But the waste and misuse of resources, though it arouses opposition and generates pressure for social change, does not in itself create revolutionary situations. But Marx believed that impoverishment, the incompetence of the ruling class ‘to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery’, a forcing down of the level of life through economic crisis, seemed, in the mid-nineteenth century, an essential pre-requisite for proletarian revolution.

Unite and triumph

There were many attempts before Marx’s to understand capitalism and propose an alternative to capitalist society, because although capitalism as it first emerged was progressive in as far as it had to eliminate feudalism and many forms of absolutism, it was not long before it became obvious that capitalism itself was exploitative and oppressive, and finally the major obstruction in the path of human development. Through Marx, we came to understand that ultimately the most critical and defining aspect of any society is the mode of production, how that society gets its food, clothing, and shelter; society’s raison d’etre and its reasons for changing became crystal clear. Marx showed us how and why primitive communalist society changed to slave societies and how feudalism grew out of slavery and capitalism out of feudalism. Marx identified and explained how class society was formed and how the various classes, basically groups of people with the same relationship to the production process, how they formed and how and why ultimately the motive force of history is the struggle between those various classes, i.e., class struggle. Marx explained why the working class was the most advanced class and the only revolutionary class under capitalism. Marx revealed the fundamental secret of capitalism, surplus value, which can be defined basically as all the wealth which the workers create but do not get. All of the learned men of capitalism speak so disdainfully of socialism’s past and contemptuously of its future. Socialism is irrelevant! It is utopian! But politics is concerned with alternatives and if socialism is a quixotic cause, what do they have to propose instead? In nine out of ten cases, it boils down to what we now have: a perverse social system run by the corrupt careerists. What could be more utopian, absurd and irrelevant than this? By comparison, socialists are eminently practical and realistic men.

The Socialist Party maintains that our society is divided into classes based on groups of people standing in the same relationship to the means of production. The Socialist Party holds that the interests of these classes are antagonistic and irreconcilable and that a constant struggle goes on between them over the division of the wealth that. society produces. The Socialist Party understands that the ability of the present ruling class, the capitalists, to maintain their power is due to their using their economic strength to control the State (government} and use it as “an instrument of oppression” against the rest of society. The Socialist Party agrees that the owning class is the ruling class because it controls the State. The government protects the capitalist class by protecting the source of its economic strength private property. It is the will of the capitalist class that the rights of private property be protected. It uses its control of government to write down its will and call it law. It uses its control of government to enforce its will, the law. The law is the voice of the ruling class. Although democracy literally means “rule of the people”, we live in a class society in which one class maintains its favourable economic position because it controls the rule by the people, since the capitalist class is a small minority the capitalist class controls the government only as long as the majority of the voters permit them to. It means allowing the masses to vote but using capitalist control of the communication of information to teach the masses to vote against their own interests.

It is on this issue of capturing political power by the workers that the widest division of opinion exists amongst those professing to be socialists. Whether this taking power by the working class or the social revolution as it is called, will be accomplished gradually or suddenly, legally or illegally, peacefully or violently has been the most vital questions asked within the labour movement. The Socialist Party has chosen its path.  The revolt against the injustice of class oppression and exploitation is as old as these social evils themselves. Revolutionary organizations trying to overthrow capitalism are as old as capitalism itself. Socialism can only come about through a successful overthrow of capitalism by a self-organized working class.

The Socialist Party believes in the possibility of humankind to shape its own destiny,  to abolish all social conditions which make men and women into oppressed, exploited, mutilated, miserable beings; to realize a society in which the free development of each becomes a precondition for the free development of every individual. No other class than the working class has the potential to replace capitalism with a socialist society. The fate of humankind is for that reason tied to the victory of the world working class.  Humanity is at a crossroads: either socialism or barbarism. The awareness of the potential self-destruction of humankind (environmental catastrophe, nuclear war devastation or whatever) is today growing. Either it will be the victory of the world socialist revolution, or the decline and fall of human civilisation, if not the disappearance of the human race. For the Socialist Party, the emancipation of humanity has to be total and global. The overthrow of capitalism, of private property, commodity production, and wage labour, is a necessary precondition for the successful achievement of human emancipation.

What we need is members!

The world about us is falling to pieces. The need for revolution is being increasingly widely realised. The world today is characterised by a growing awareness of the widening gap between rich and poor with popular outrage at the massive salaries and share option schemes awarded to those who run various industries has become a journalistic commonplace. We live in a world dominated by capitalism, a system which allows a small minority of capitalists to oppress and exploit the great majority of humankind. It is capitalism that brings about great inequalities in living standards with more poor people now in the world than ever before, starts murderous wars to steal the resources of less developed countries and causes the growing devastation of our natural environment. Either we get rid of this outmoded and increasingly decrepit system or it will devastate humanity. The hour is late and urgent action is necessary. People know that capitalism is no good but few can see a way forward to a better type of society. The only viable way forward is revolutionary struggle to achieve a class-free and state-free society on a world scale where people do not oppress and exploit each other and where we live in harmony with our natural environment.  To create world socialism it is necessary to overthrow the rule of capitalism and this can be done only through a social revolution. The working class depose the capitalist ruling class and establish socialism, a system of real, popular democracy that sets about the reconstruction of society

The working class is defined as all those who:

1) Do not own the means of production; 

2) Have to sell their labour-power to the capitalist class to make a living; 

3) Directly, or indirectly, create surplus value... which is expropriated by the capitalist class.

In a capitalist society, that which the worker sells — labour power — his or her physical and mental skill, takes on the character of a commodity. This exploitation, or expropriation of surplus value, creates an irreconcilable, antagonistic class contradiction between the working class and the bourgeoisie. Only the emancipation from capital itself can liberate the working class. Its mission, therefore, is to overthrow the bourgeoisie, establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, and replace capitalism with socialism, a classless society. The working class is not a small, narrow class but constitutes the majority of the population. 

Socialism is rule by the working people. They will decide how socialism is to work. This was how Marx and Engels defined socialism. The revolutionary overthrow of the capitalist system is the historic mission of the working class. To use the word “socialism” for anything but people’s power is to misuse the term. State ownership of mines, railways, steel, etc. is not socialism.  Nor is the “Welfare State” socialist. Although the Left claims to have for their object the ultimate establishment of a new social system, their immediate aim is the reforming of the present social system. Their appeals are mainly made to those workers who desire to improve their lot within the confines of the capitalist system.

The task of the Socialist Party, therefore, is to help the transfer of power from the capitalist class to the workers. The Socialist Party's aim has to be not a better wage, but people’s power. We have to remember that all politics is about power. Capitalism is maintained by class power and will only be displaced by other class power. The Socialist Party calls for power for the working people. The reformists exercise power on behalf of the oppressor, and who claims to do a little good on the side. The Socialist Party is not a reform party. Its avowed purpose is the abolition of the present social order, the ending of the exploitation of labour by an idle parasitic class. It makes its direct appeal for the support of the workers as propertyless wage-slaves, not as “tax-paying” citizens, nor as charity chasers, seeking a handout, or dole, from the capitalist state. It points to the necessity for the conquest of political power from the capitalists and the reorganising of society upon a class-free basis. Certain economic laws govern the capitalist system, which is a commodity-producing one. A knowledge of those laws is imperative if the workers are going to participate intelligently in the daily struggles against their exploiters.

The Socialist Party has pursued the policy of reaching as large numbers as possible with a sound elementary advocacy of socialist principles. This work has been carried out through public meetings, literature, lectures, and personal contact “on the job” and elsewhere. In fact, everywhere that workers gather it has been our aim to keep class issues before them. It is only through studying history from an economic and class viewpoint that the real facts reveal themselves. A knowledge of history is useful to the workers, but they are often encumbered with it, not enlightened. The mode of interpreting history, as taught by the Socialist Party, the Marxist materialistic conception of history, is an illuminating method that clarifies historical research. The capitalist class and their servants dare not divulge history as a history of class struggles. Yet upon close examination that is all that we find it to be. The State upholds the power of the owning class, the capitalists, and represses (when necessary) the producing class, the workers when they resist the rule and robbery of their masters. The State, or government, is the real organised force that confronts the masses of the people, the exploited proletarians. Organisation must be met with organisation, and ultimately the workers must triumph. Without this course being pursued, the workers and their children, and their children’s children will remain the wage-slaves of the capitalists forever.

The hour is late. Join with us now.

Socialism is the Hope of Humanity

The future of humanity is that we will either drift on in eternal slavery, perhaps disappear from the Earth from an environmental cataclysm or it will seek out and find a new road through which it will attain the cooperative commonwealth - real socialism.  People are not going to submit forever to an existence of want and idleness when they can see within their reach an abundance of machinery and raw material more than enough to satisfy their needs. They will realise that it depends only on their will and daring to change their miserable status to one of comfort and abundance. When we attempt to understand the whole situation sanely, we can say there really are no natural causes for human suffering (economically speaking). After all, so long as the human race exists, the Earth will produce crops, the trees will yield fruit, gardens will grow vegetation, cows will feed us milk and human skill and ingenuity will always provide comfort and luxury for all. Why, then, must the life and happiness of a whole race depend on the financial sheet prepared somewhere in a Wall Street office? Why should we dwell in misery and leave the politicians and stockholders to decide our fate with “percentages”, “returns” and other hocus-pocus chicanery of the market? There are plenty of resources on our planet to be shared by all people alike. And if they ever come to realise that no minority class has a moral or legal right to declare a monopoly of the land and her products, they will then visualise a just and humane social order. Every war which the State has engineered at the behest of capitalism was imposed upon the people under fraudulent claims as are the imposed systems of economic exploitation during times of peace. The State is the legal protector of the wealth it has taken from the producing masses. 

No one can deny that the main tendency of capitalism is leading to increasing economic panics, unemployment, and competitive conflicts among capitalist nations themselves - all this heads inevitably towards barbarism. In the bankruptcy in which capitalist economy finds itself, war is the only industry really profitable because it is capable of putting labour and capital in motion and of securing a safe market for the unlimited efficiency of modern production. War, therefore, is a matter of life and death also for the capitalist system of economy. Mankind will forever face a bitter-struggle for existence just so long as the system of distribution will be based on individual or corporate profiteering, which is at the centre of our prevailing social order. All the wizardly juggling of figures by expert financiers in the ledger sheets and all the scheming acrobatics introduced in budget balancing, tax revision, wage and labour adjustment, tariff barriers, etc., will not help to alleviate the ills of the suffering masses who are the chief victims in the periodic crises. At most, these clever manipulations can only serve to transpose the surplus profits from one individual or group of profiteers to another. The truth of the matter is that no political candidate dares to speak about the causes of all the resulting evils which the people suffer from capital and government. Capitalism could not exist without the forceful protection of government, and the latter. Even if the governing institutions were better constituted and of a higher moral character, still the State would not be what the State idea pretends to be. It has been founded and is nurtured for the purpose of protecting and perpetuating the reign of the ruling class. Against the system of capitalism and its government, the socialist advocates voluntary cooperation among men and women for the economic equality and social democracy of all. 

The formation of a new society, is possible alone through socialism, i.e., through the re-establishment of the natural relations of men and women and their communities to one another.  Every living being strives unceasingly for enjoyment of life; this endeavour is the basis of all his or her actions. Each human being seeks to learn by what ways and means he or she can attain the highest purpose of life. Through experience and observation one arrives at the conclusion that the individual separated from the society of his or her neighbours produces the mere necessities of life by the utmost wearisome labour, but that through the common labour of many, these necessities are easily and readily obtained, allowing leisure for the pursuit of the arts and sciences, by which life is made pleasanter and richer; this knowledge imposes upon one the duty of working for the common weal, since each individual welfare is assured only through universal well-being. By experience and clear knowledge of the qualities of mankind, we arrive at the firm conviction that a lasting welfare of society can be established only through the socialist society.

A moneyless society (an anarchist article)

A 1940 pamphlet published by Man!, an anarchist newspaper out of New York and posted on the Libcom website

8. A moneyless society

The case of an economic system without money is equally simple to present, equally easy to grasp. A world without money, and without any kind of substitute for a monetary exchange, would not be a world of chaos, as some might suppose. It would not be a world where progress is at a standstill and true ambition has died of inertia, as the alarmists would have us believe. It would not be a world of idlers, each doing his best to live on the product of another’s labor, without compulsion to labor for themselves, as still others claim. It is a sad enough commentary on our present system that so many of us think of initiative only in terms of money and conceive that economic stress is the only spur which will goad men into working. Such convictions only underline the basic fallacy of a life than can give rise to them.

But what would a world without money be like? I think it would be a world without poverty and hunger and unemployment; without child labor and overwork and economic misery; without fear for the future and driving misery in the present; without the ignorance that comes from lack of education and the cruelties that come from greed and insecurity. I think it would be a world where man could choose his particular work and might work at the thing for which he is best fitted. I think it would be a world where everyone might be well and comfortable, fed and housed, clothed and shod. I think it would be a world where everyone had an equal right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and everyone had an equal share of the wealth of his country as produced by the labor of all for the use of all.

It is easy enough to envision. The foundation of any economic system, after all, is no more than the old law of supply and demand. Under our present economy of scarcity, the supply is limited by the demand. And the demand is limited by the ability to pay for the supply. And this in turn is limited by the supply itself, the production of which furnishes us our buying power. The profit motive, which is the mainspring of our monetary system, is responsible for the lag between production and consumption since the producer-the laborer or farmer-is paid less for what he produces than he must pay to buy it back for his own use. So demand lags behind supply until, at length, the supply must be stopped until the surplus is consumed, reducing buying power to its final minimum.

Under a system which does away with money and the consequent profits therefrom, the demand will mount, and the supply will mount with it, until at length each country will be producing to its utmost capacity to satisfy the demands of its citizens. There is demand enough even now to keep farms and factories going full blast; all that is lacking is the money. Where men may have for the asking all they need of the world’s goods the demand will not fall.

Will the supply be sufficient to balance that tremendous demand that lack of money alone keeps in check today? Well, I am no economist. I have no statistics to quote. I only know that produce rots on the trees and in the fields; that factories stand idle or run at half capacity; that whole great areas of the earth lie untapped and unreclaimed; that elements lie unmined in the ground; that there is an unimaginable world about us for science to explore and make use of.

Here in the United States alone are sufficient resources, if utilized to the full, to give each family of all our millions the equivalent of 5000 dollars a year income. That much, at least, is a statistical fact. Knowing that, I venture to predict that with all the vast resources of earth at our disposal and all its vast man power at work, the supply will not fail.

Under our present system it does not pay to utilize these resources, discovered or undiscovered.

In a system of free exchange of the products of labor, these things will take their rightful place. There will be no surplus until all have obtained the necessities for a decent existence, and then the surplus will be converted into luxuries for the many rather than for the privileged few. Invention will come into its own when each simplification, each labor saving device will mean a benefit to all, rather than the loss of a living. Machines will be utilized to provide leisure rather than unemployment.

This is democracy carried to its highest point, extended to its logical extreme.

It is self-evident that under such a system the evils stemming from greed will be non-existent. Vice and crime, violence and corruption, even war itself, must of necessity disappear once the economic basis for them has been abolished. So a moneyless society of free exchange of labor for the produce of labor will mean more than the abolition of mere economic ills. It will mean a whole new world, a better world, the world we hopelessly dream of today, for our children and our children’s children to inherit.

Utopian? Perhaps. It will be no quick and easy task, at any rate, to spread such a gospel around the world until it takes effect. It is a task of years, perhaps of centuries.

The introduction of such a system will cause no chaos in the precise and ponderous machine of civilization. It does not even involve such a dictum as that usually quoted to excuse imperfections in other Utopian schemes: that the few must suffer for the good of the many.

No one will suffer. No one will lose by it. Even the richest man can consume only a limited share of the world’s goods for himself and his family’s use. That share he may have for the taking, he and everyone else. That he cannot have these without conceding the equal right of others to them is the point on which the success of such a system rests. It is the basic principle of the, Golden Rule of every great philosophy and religion; put into practice in such a way that in order to benefit by it, a man must comply with it.

There may be those who can find objections even to this universal principle of good. They may brand this as merely another crackpot scheme, as this or that dangerous “ism”, even as an outright attempt to tear down government into anarchy.

To such reactionaries I can do no more than point out that progress has always been achieved by revolt against the old bad order of things. I can do no more than remind them of the speech of a certain famous young rebel made less than two hundred years ago, a speech which has become a part of our American tradition. Let me borrow from that speech to answer them:

“If this be treason, gentlemen, make the most of it!” John Steinbeck

EDNA LARKIN