We
repudiate any idea of any socialist party "holding office"
or "forming a government". The
establishment of socialism will not be like a change of government,
with the socialist party winning an election, forming a government
and using its parliamentary majority to legislate socialism into
being.
We
do not say to fellow-workers: "Vote for us and we’ll introduce
socialism for you".
What
we say is: "If you want socialism, this is something you will
have to do for yourselves; only you can establish socialism, not some
party on your behalf".
What
we are talking about is not a change of government nor a change to be
achieved by a government, but a change in the basis of society—a
social revolution, to be carried out by the actions of the immense
majority. We advocate that this social revolution should be
accomplished by democratic political means; so contesting elections,
going into parliaments, etc will be involved, but the mechanics of
electoral systems in particular countries are mere technical details.
The important element is the socialist consciousness and democratic
self-organisation of the working class who are the immense majority.
When
the socialist movement has reached the stage when it is near to
winning control of political power—the socialist political party
really will be the majority working class organised politically for
socialism. This means that it will be up to the socialist-minded
majority itself to decide how to handle the sort of tactical issues
you raise as hypothetical problems.
All
we can say now is that whatever is decided will be decided
democratically, in the light of the fact that socialism cannot be
established unless and until a majority want it, and in accordance
with the socialist principle that under no circumstances should
socialists take on any responsibility for running capitalism.
The
change-over to the situation you mention where a person elected for a
locality would be the mandated delegate of the people of that
locality won’t be able to take place until a classless society has
been established. This, along with the procedures and practices it
implies—report-back meetings, mandating conferences, referendums,
right of recall, rotation of posts, etc— will in fact be the basis
of the democratic decision-making structure of the new society.
Socialists
see society and the individual as reciprocal terms; the one couldn’t
exist without the other.
We
don’t want power; we want the majority to take power into their own
hands. This in fact is the aim of the socialist revolution: to bring
the means of production under the democratic control of all the
people. But if this is the case why not organise just to take over
the means of production? Why bother to also organise to win control
of parliament and the state? This has been the main difference
between us and those anarchists (by no means a majority, by a long
way) who agree that common ownership can only come about through the
majority organising themselves consciously and democratically.
We
favour the socialist majority taking electoral action, as well as
organising at their places of work, because we see this as the best
way for them to ensure that the socialist revolution proceeds as
smoothly and peaceably as possible. To try to ignore the state, whose
role today is to uphold and protect capitalist property rights, would
be a completely irresponsible policy as this would be to increase
rather than minimise the risk of violence. Given the existence of a
socialist majority, the sensible way to proceed would be to use the
vote to take the control of parliament out of the hands of the
supporters of capitalism, so neutralising the state while at the same
time giving the socialist revolution an unchallengeable democratic
legitimacy.
Unless
you subscribe to the so-called “iron law of oligarchy" which
says that elected representatives will always sell out, you have to
explain why the socialist majority would be able to control the
delegates it might send to some such extra-parliamentary body as a
congress of workplace committees or a conference of neighbourhood
councils (or whatever else it is you see as the alternative to
parliament) but not those it sent into parliament. We say that, if
they can do it in the one case, they can do it in the other too.
The
phrase “workers’ control” is today frequently used as if it
were some sort of definition of socialism. In fact it is not,
implying as it does the continued existence of a working class and
control of the productive system by units less than society. Clear
thinking is uncommon on this whole question of workers’ control. It
seems to be a slogan full of meaning. A closer examination discloses
its inadequacy.
The Socialist Party recognises the need for an
organisation to arrange the affairs of society as a whole via a
network of interconnected free federations of local communities with
as much decentralisation as feasible. In our view the State, as a
coercive instrument, only flourished in class societies and was the
instrument whereby a ruling class controlled society. In the
class-free society of the future there would be no coercive
government machine, control would be purely administrative. With
socialism, there could be no permanent conflict groups; society as a
whole would exercise democratic control over the means of production.