Tuesday, August 18, 2020

The Thought of Eugene Debs

Although Eugene Debs was a member and the presidential candidate for the reformist Socialist Party of America, he was nevertheless, an ardent advocate and proponent for socialism and the end of waged labour. 

If you’re taken aback by the number of socialist, anti-capitalist and otherwise radical-left parties in the United States and ask why when America is already blessed with a multiplicity of so-called labour, workers', socialist, and communist parties, why we added another with the World Socialist Party of the United States (WSPUS) to increase the confusion? The answer is there is no way of challenging and refuting the confused theories and spurious programmes of the parties which promise to reform capitalism other than by building up from the ground an organisation of socialists working only for socialism.

The goal is not to create a socialist society for the working class but to encourage the working class to build socialism for itself. Using the words of Eugene Debs:
 ‘If you are looking for a Moses to lead you out of this capitalist wilderness, you will stay right where you are. I would not lead you into the promised land if I could, because if I led you in, someone else would lead you out.’

I’ll start with a few Eugene Debs quote
“It is infinitely better to vote for freedom and fail than to vote for slavery and succeed.”
“Better a thousand times that labor is divided fighting for freedom than united in the bonds of slavery.”
“Until corporate wealth is supplanted by common wealth in the ownership of the nation, it will continue to write our laws and to enforce them or now, as best pleases its owners.
We will use the words of Debs to present his case for and against reforms. Some are cherry-picked and out of context but it does represent Debs' unique view of how we should practice our politics.

WHO WE ARE

“The one thing necessary is that we shall have a sound Socialist Party, with a platform that will bear the test of critical analysis. By this I do not mean that we shall quibble and split hairs, but that so far as the fundamental principles of Socialism are concerned, they shall be stated with such clearness as to silence all reasonable question as to our party being free from the taint of compromise and in harmonious alliance with the Socialist movement of the world.”

“The Social Democracy is a Socialist party and is pledged to the principles of Socialism. It can not and will not fuse with any capitalist party, by whatever name it may be called. As special allusion to the Populist Party is made by our inquirers, let it be said that the Populist Party is a capitalist party and the Social Democracy will not fuse with it any more than it will with the Republican or Democratic Party. It is urged by some that we should encourage alliance with the Populist Party because it inclines in our direction. Their advice, if followed, would wreck our party. If Socialism is right, Populists should become Socialists and join the Social Democracy. If they are not ready to do this they are not Socialists, and hence opposed to Socialism, and fusion with their party would result in inevitable disaster. The only object of such fusion would be the securing of office — the loaves and fishes. We are not after office, we want Socialism. We care nothing about office except in so far as it represents the triumph of Socialism. Therefore, be it understood, once for all, that the Social Democracy will not fuse with any party that does not stand for pure Socialism, and there will be no departure from this policy”

“The difference between the Republican and Democratic parties involve no issue, no principle in which the working class have any interest, and whether the spoils be distributed by Hanna and Platt, or by Croker and Tammany Hall is all the same to them.
Between these parties socialists have no choice, no preference. They are one in their opposition to Socialism, that is to say, the emancipation of the working class from wage-slavery, and every workingman who has intelligence enough to understand the interest of his class and the nature of the struggle in which it is involved, will once and for all time sever his relations with them both; and recognizing the class-struggle which is being waged between the producing workers and non-producing capitalists, cast his lot with the class-conscious, revolutionary Socialist party, which is pledged to abolish the capitalist system, class-rule and wage-slavery—a party which does not compromise or fuse, but, preserving inviolate the principles which quickened it into life and now give it vitality and force, moves forward with dauntless determination to the goal of economic freedom.”
“The Socialist party, the party of the working class, the party of emancipation, is made up of men and women who know their rights and scorn to compromise with their oppressors; who want no votes that can be bought and no support under any false pretense whatsoever. The Socialist party stands squarely upon its proletarian principles and relies wholly upon the forces of industrial progress and the eduction of the working class. The Socialist party buys no votes and promises no offices. Not a farthing is spent for whiskey or cigars. Every penny in the campaign fund is the volutnary offerings of workers and their sympathizers and every penny is used for education. What other parties can say the same?”

“The workers themselves must take the initiative in uniting their forces for effective economic and political action; the leaders will never do it for them. They must no longer suffer themselves to be deceived by the specious arguments of their betrayers, who blatantly boast of their unionism that they may traffic in it and sell out the dupes who blindly follow them. I have very little use for labor leaders in general and none at all for the kind who feel their self-importance and are so impressed by their own wisdom that where they lead their dupes are expected to blindly follow without a question. Such “leaders” lead their victims to the shambles and deliver them over for a consideration and this is possible only among craft-divided wage-slaves who are kept apart for the very purpose that they may feel their economic helplessness and rely upon some “leader” to do something for them…The Socialist Party is the party of the workers, organized to express in political terms their determination to break their fetters and rise to the dignity of free men. In this party the workers must unite and develop their political power to conquer and abolish the capitalist political state and clear the way for industrial and social democracy. But the new order can never be established by mere votes alone. This must be the result of industrial development and intelligent economic and political organization, necessitating both the industrial union and the political party of the workers to achieve their emancipation”

“The Socialist party as the party of the working class stands squarely upon its principles in making its appeal to the workers of the nation. It is not begging for votes, nor asking votes, nor bargaining for votes. It is not in the vote market. It wants votes but only of those who want it-those who recognise is as their party, and come to it of their own free will.
If as the Socialist candidate for president I were seeking office and the spoils of office I would be a traitor to the Socialist party and a disgrace to the working class.

To be sure we want all the votes we can get and all that are coming to us but only as a means of developing the political power of the working class in the struggle for industrial freedom, and not that we may revel in the spoils of office.
The workers have never yet developed or made use of their political power. They have played the game of their masters for the benefit of the master class-and how many of them, disgusted with their own blind and stupid performance are renouncing politics and refusing to see any difference between the capitalist parties financed by the ruling class to perpetuate class rule and the Socialist party organized and financed by the workers themselves as a means of wresting the control of government and of industry from the capitalists and making the working class the ruling class of the nation and the world.”

OUR TASK

“The mission of Social Democracy is to awaken the producer to a consciousness that he is a Socialist and to give him courage by changing his conditions… I don’t fear the man that says I don’t agree with you. The only thing in this world that I fear is ignorance.”

“The working class alone made the tools; the working class alone can use them, and the working class must, therefore, own them.
This is the revolutionary demand of the Socialist movement. The propaganda is one of education and is perfectly orderly and peaceable. The workers must be taught to unite and vote together as a class in support of the Socialist party, the party that represents them as a class, and when they do this the government will pass into their hands and capitalism will fall to rise no more; private ownership will give way to social ownership, and production for profit to production for use; the wage system will disappear, and with it the ignorance and poverty, misery and crime that wage-slavery breeds; the working class will stand forth triumphant and free, and a new era will dawn in human progress and in the civilization of mankind.”

“I am not here, my brothers, to ask you, as an economic organization, to go into politics. Not at all. If I could have you pass a resolution to go into politics I would not do it. If you were inclined to go into active politics as an organization I would prevent such action if I could. You repre sent the economic organization of the working class and this organization has its own clearly defined functions. Your economic organization can never become a political machine, but your economic organization must recognize and proclaim the necessity for a united political party. You ought to pass a resolution recognizing the class struggle, declaring your opposition to the capitalist system of private ownership of the means of production, and urging upon the working class the necessity for working class political action. That is as far as the economic organization need to go. If you were to use your economic organization for political purposes you would disrupt it, you would wreck it. But I would not have you renounce politics…Workingmen in their organized capacity must recognize the necessity for both economic and political action. I would not have you declare in favor of any particular political party. That would be another mistake which would have disastrous results. If I could have you pass a resolution to support the Socialist party I would not do it. You can’t make Socialists by passing resolutions. Men have to become Socialists by study and experience, and they are getting the experience every day.
There is one fact, and a very important one, that I would impress upon you, and that is the necessity for revolutionary working class political action.
No one will attempt to dispute the fact that our interests as workers are identical. If our interests are identical, then we ought to unite. We ought to unite within the same organization, and if there is a strike we should all strike, and if there is a boycott all of us ought to engage in it. If our interests are identical, it follows that we ought to belong to the same party as well as to the same economic organization. What is politics? It is simply the reflex of economics. What is a party? It is the expression politically of certain material class interests. You belong to that party that you believe will promote your material welfare. Is not that a fact? If you find yourself in a party that attacks your pocket do you not quit that party?

Now, if you are in a party that opposes your interests it is because you don’t have intelligence enough to understand your interests. That is where the capitalists have the better of you…No man can serve both capital and labor at the same time. You don’t admit the capitalists to your union. They organize their union to fight you. You organize your union to fight them. Their union consists wholly of capitalists; your union consists wholly of workingmen. It is along the same line that you have got to organize politically. You don’t unite with capitalists on the economic field; why should you politically?”

“The education of the people, not the few alone, but the entire mass in the principles of industrial democracy and along the lines of social development is the task of the people to be emphasized and that task – let it be impressed upon them – can be performed only by themselves.
 The cultured few can never educate the uncultured many. All history attests the fact that all the few have ever done for the many is to keep them in ignorance and servitude and live out of their labor.
To stir the masses, to appeal to their higher, better selves, to set them thinking for themselves, and to hold ever before them the ideal of mutual kindness and good will, based upon mutual interests, is to render real service to the cause of humanity.”

REFORMS

 “Everything that is of interest to the workers in their struggle to better their condition should appeal to the revolutionary movement. Indeed, the only way to make the movement truly revolutionary is to make the daily struggle of the workers its own struggle and so thoroughly incarnate and breathe that struggle as to make it not only a necessary and inseparable part of the workers but the very workers themselves in organized and conscious action to throw off the burdens that oppress them and walk the earth free men.”

“There is but one issue that appeals to this conquering army-the unconditional surrender of the capitalistic class. To be sure this cannot be achieved in a day and in the meantime the party enforces to the extent of its power its immediate demands and presses steadily onward toward the goal. It has its constructive program by means of which it develops its power and its capacity, step by step, seizing upon every bit of vantage to advance and strengthen its position, but never for a moment mistaking reform for revolution and never losing sight of the ultimate goal. Socialist reform must not be confounded with so-cared capitalist reform. The latter is shrewdly designed to buttress capitalism; the former to overthrow it. Socialist reform vitalizes and promotes the socialist revolution….There is no hope under the present decaying system. The worker who votes the Republican or Democratic ticket does worse than throw away his vote. He is a deserter of his class and his own worst enemy, though he may be in blissful ignorance of the fact that he is false to himself and his fellow workers, and that sooner or later he must reap what he has sown…The Socialist party presents …points out to them clearly why their situation is hopeless under capitalism, how they are robbed and exploited”

“While I believe that most of these “reformers” are honest and well-meaning, I know that some of them, by no means inconspicuous, are charlatans and frauds. They are the representatives of middle class interests, and the shrewd old politicians of the capitalist parties are not slow to perceive and take advantage of their influence. They are “Socialists” for no other purpose than to emasculate Socialism. Beaten in the capitalist game by better shufflers, dealers, and players, they have turned “reformers” and are playing that for what there is in it. They were failures as preaches and lawyers and politicians and capitalists. In their new role as “reformers” they dare not offend the capitalist exploiters, for their revenue depends upon their treason to the exploited slaves over whom they mourn dolefully and shed crocodile tears.
I respect the honest effort of any man or set of men, however misguided, to better social conditions, but I have no patience with the frauds and quacks who wear the masks of meekness and in the name of “brotherhood” betray their trusting victims to the class that robs them without pity and riots in the proceeds without shame.”

“It is a question of human freedom versus human slavery.
This question is as old as the race, but for the first time in human history the issue is stripped of all subterfuge and the exploited class have the political power in their own hands to accomplish by peaceful means their own emancipation.
No longer can the political harlots of capitalism betray the workers with issues manufactured for that purpose. The beating of tariff tom-toms, the cry for control of corporations, the punishment of “malefactors of great wealth,” the wolf cry of civic righteousness under capitalism, will not avail the politicians in this campaign.
Neither will the purely political issues of direct legislation, the recall, direct election of senators, or the economic reforms promised, of old-age pensions, minimum wage, industrial insurance and welfare of labor, about which the politicians of capitalism are now so much concerned, bring aid or comfort to them, for the people know that all of these are a part of the program of Socialism and that they are only seized upon by designing men who are not Socialists in an effort to deceive the people and prolong the reign of capitalism….The Socialist party offers the only remedy, which is Socialism. It does not promise Socialism in a day, a month, or a year, but it has a definite program with Socialism as its ultimate end.”

CONCLUSION

“The largest possible expression of the social spirit should be fostered and encouraged in the Socialist movement. In spite of the hindrances which beset us in our present environments and relations, we may yet cultivate this spirit assiduously to our increasing mutual good and to the good of our great movement.
In our propaganda, in the discussion of our tactical and other differences, and in all our other activities, the larger faith that true comradeship inspires should prevail between us. We need to be more patient, more kindly, more tolerant, more sympathetic, helpful, and encouraging to one another, and less suspicious, less envious, and less contentious, if we are to educate and impress the people by our example and by the results of our teachings upon ourselves, win them to our movement, and realize our dream of universal freedom and social righteousness.”

Why can we not differ without denouncing each other?
Why can we not give those with whom we differ credit for being as honest as ourselves?
Why can we not reason with those with whom we disagree in a decent spirit instead of treating them with ridicule and contempt?
Personally I have equal respect for all who stand four square for the working class and for the overthrow of the capitalist system, whether they be socialists, communists, anarchists, or IWWs. I don’t find it necessary to hate and denounce them because their method differs from mine. They may be right. I don’t think they are, but I have been mistaken a good many times in the past and am just as apt to be so now as anyone else .We certainly find a large measure of common ground for all these groups if we have the right spirit and seek to convince and win over by argument instead of offending and driving away by abuse…I hope we may have a more decent, tolerant, and truly revolutionary spirit in our attitude toward those with whom we differ in the movement, and that we may devote our whole time and energy in organizing the workers into one industrial union and one political party for the gigantic struggle which confronts them and which they must win, or remain in slavery. The most effective way to answer those who sneer at political action is with silence when argument fails. Let them alone and stick to your work of education and organization!”

"If a bona fide labor party cannot be organized at Chicago then I hope that no party at all will issue from that conference. Better far no party than a nondescript imitation of one, composed of so-called progressive and reform elements, more or less muddled, discordant, and wholly lacking in clear aim, definite object, and concerted purpose. A “third party” of such a nature would at best align the dwindling “little interests” against the “big interests,” seek to patch up and prolong the present corrupt and collapsing capitalist system, and failing utterly to effect any material change or achieve any substantial benefit would finally fizzle out and add one more to the list of “third party” fiascoes…
A political party today must stand for labor and the freedom of labor, or it must stand for capital and the exploitation of labor. It cannot possibly stand for both any more than it could for both freedom and slavery…
I want to see the workers of this nation rise in the might of their intelligence and demand a party of their own, free, eternally free from the paralyzing putridities of the parties of their silk-hatted, wealth-inflated, job-owning and labor-exploiting masters—a party with a backbone and the courage to stand up without apology and proclaim itself a Labor Party, clean, confident of its own inherent powers, bearing proudly the union label in token of its fundamental conquering principle of industrial and political solidarity, and challenging the whole world of capitalism to contest the right of this nation to own its own industries, to control its own economic and social life, and the right of the toiling and producing masses to own their own jobs, to enjoy the fruits of their own labor, and to be the masters of their own lives.
I am suspicious of those who admit that we must have a labor party but object to having it called by its right name. It should be a matter of pride and certainly not of shame to a labor party to have its true title nailed to its masthead. If not, why not? Shall we fear to keep out many who would otherwise join? That is the very reason the party should be known for what it actually is as well as what it actually stands for. We must bear no false label, carry no false banner, nor seek support under any false pretense whatsoever.
We must stand avowedly, face front, for labor—for the people who produce, who render needed service, and who are useful and necessary to the world.

Let me make it clear that I am not wanting another socialist party organized. We already have one and that is enough. Neither do I want another capitalist party organized, having already two, more than enough. A middle-class party, by whatever name, would still be a capitalist party, for while it might champion “little interests” against “big interests,” with a sop to labor, it would still stand for the capitalist system and the perpetuation of wage-slavery.
If a genuine labor party is organized at Chicago I shall not expect the platform to go the limit of radical demands but shall be satisfied with a reasonable statement of labor’s rights and interests as well as its duties and responsibilities, doubting not that with the progress of the party its platform will in due time embrace every essential feature of the working class program for deliverance from industrial servitude.
The Socialist party can, should, and I have no doubt will join such a party wholeheartedly, becoming an integral part of its structure, reserving, however, its autonomy unimpaired and using all its powers and functions in building up, equipping, promoting, and directing the general party.”

I’ll end with this final Debs quote

“Now I believe that it is impossible to compromise a principle, and the Socialist Party is committed to a certain principle. To compromise principle is to court death and disaster. It is better to be true to a principle and to stand alone and be able to look yourself in the face without a blush, far better to be in a hopeless minority than to be in a great popular and powerful majority of the unthinking.”

Monday, August 17, 2020

Socialist Organisation

The Socialist Party is the party of humanity. The Socialist Party member stands firmly on the bed-rock of the class struggle, and; declares, that so long as the means of production are in the hands of a small class, the workers will be forced to sell their labour-power to them for a bare subsistence wage. Consequently, between these two classes a struggle must go on until the toilers come together on the political as well as on the industrial field and take over for themselves that which, being the result of their labour, justly belongs to them. 

Our enemy is the capitalist class, and their lackeys of every kind 

The materialist conception of history (historical materialism, for short) was discovered a little before the middle of the nineteenth century by the great German thinker and practical revolutionary Karl Marx. It was the first - and remains the only - scientific view of history. Although this discovery was a milestone in the development of human thought, historical materialism is not taught in our schools. People who go through them come out with the idea that history is just a jumble of chance events involving ‘great men’ such as kings or generals. The reason for this is not hard to find. It is because our education system has been developed to serve the interests of the ruling, capitalist class. What concerns these people more than anything else is, maintaining capitalism. Reject the false reformist solutions.

We live in a world dominated by capitalism, a system which allows a small minority of capitalists to oppress and exploit the great majority of humankind.  It is capitalism that brings about great inequalities in living standards with more poor people now in the world than ever before, starts murderous wars to steal the resources of other countries and causes the growing devastation of our natural environment. Either we get rid of this outmoded and  increasingly decrepit system or it will devastate humanity. The way forward is a class-free and state-free society on a world scale where people do not oppress and exploit each other and where we live in harmony with our natural environment. To create world socialism it is necessary to overthrow the rule of capitalism and this can be done only through revolution. Socialism is the hope of the whole working class. A class-free socialist cooperative commonwealth cannot be attained without the end of capitalism. 

We’re constantly told that politics is all about compromise. Compromise is nothing more than a means of preserving the status quo, being compliant with whatever concessions may be granted. We support socialism over capitalism and that means the minority class ownership of production being ended, not merely passed on to another small elite.

The means of production  must not remain the monopoly of any particular social group (bourgeoisie, bureaucracy, technocracy); they ought to be socialized not turned into the property of the state.

The realm of democracy is not only the political sphere but the whole sphere of public life – production, education, scientific research, cultural activities, health service, etc. This is possible under the conditions of a thorough decentralisation. The need to coordinate some social activities does not restore centralism but leads to federalism.

Common ownership means to belong to the society as a whole and to be put at the disposal of the community the results of work to cover both individual and collective social needs.

Extreme decentralism, advocated by some  ecologists, holds that all big systems are intrinsically bad and that all those activities that require them (for example, the production of nuclear power, jet planes, urbanisation) ought to be abandoned. excessive decentralization has a number of shortcomings, such as:

The absence of necessary coordination leads to disorder, waste of natural resources, inefficiency. Some important social activities require common natural and human resources, division of roles and unique direction. These include energy production, public transportation, large-scale exchange of goods, protection of the natural environment, production of indispensable raw materials.

 A low level of productivity based on small scale technology requires more labor and yet produces more poverty. Many important human needs can not be met with small scale technology.

 Small scale social organisation and reduction of needs makes many rare, specific human skills redundant. Specialised scientific research, fine arts, high achievements in athletic skills cannot be supported by small, self-reliant communities. Hardly any goal can justify a reduction of an already achieved high level of human creativity.

The inevitable social-psychological consequence of a narrow, provincial mentality. After bourgeois civilisation, with its revolutionary tendency of growing cosmopolitanism and life enrichment, any return to parochial forms of life and thought would constitute a major retrogression.

Decentralisation does not automatically eliminate authoritarianism. One huge, impersonal “leviathan” may be merely replaced by a number of small, personal, local managers.

On the other hand, centralism also has serious shortcomings:  

The so-called “democratic centralism” has nothing democratic in it: a well organized threatening elite, holding firmly all levers of power, will never fail to secure a majority. In some other systems minorities have the right to continue to defend their dissenting view; here they are fully compelled to conform.

Too many issues that can be regulated by local or regional communities themselves are now decided upon at the level of global society.

Bureaucracy creates and carefully maintains the image of itself as a precious social force without which the society would fall apart, and which, consequently, deserves excessive privileges for its services. The truth is, of course, that the more expansive it grows, the more useless and paralyzing it becomes.

Decisions are taken at a considerable distance from the place where they are needed, and they often come with a damageable delay. The center has the advantage of seeing the whole context, but it has to operate on the basis of abstract, reifying information, missing too many psychological factors, and lacking real understanding of the specific situation. The center, therefore, tends to impose simple, uniform, elegant-looking solutions for the whole system. But complex, irregular-looking solutions may do much better justice to the diversity of various parts within the system.

 Human beings feel responsibility in proportion to the freedom they have to contribute, by their own autonomous action, to a given course of events. The more often they have to wait for the orders from the center, the less responsible they feel, the more alienated, they become.

Sunday, August 16, 2020

Organise with the Socialist Party


The Socialist Party came into existence in June 1904.The Declaration of Principles upon which it was founded, and has consistently adhered to, have won it the recognition from many of being the only genuine socialist organisation in Britain. The Labour Party and the Trotskyist parties are parties of social reformism. Their election policies are made up of capitalistic reforms, calculated to capture the votes of the capitalist-minded workers. Although they claim to have for their object the ultimate establishment of a new social order, their immediate aim is the reforming of the present social system. Their appeals are mainly made to those workers who desire to improve their lot within the confines of the capitalist system.

The Socialist Party is not a reform party. Its purpose is the abolition of the present capitalist society, ending of the exploitation of labour by the parasite class. It appeals for the support of the workers as propertyless wage-slaves, not as “tax-paying citizens. The efforts of the Socialist Party are continually devoted toward organising the workers as a revolutionary class. It points to the necessity for the conquest of political power from the capitalists. The re-organising of society upon a class-free basis is the aim of the Socialist Party.Its objective is the breaking of the power of the exploiters of labour, and its immediate task is the organising of the necessary forces for that purpose. The important thing is the building of powerful political party It must not be a party of wings and factions, but a united force with a common understanding and a common will to action, moving along a definite course, not pulling in different directions. Its task is to ripen fellow-workers as a politically conscious class. The immediate work of winning the working class includes reaching out to influence and change our fellow-workers social outlook.

It does not devote itself to criticising trade-union leaders, bad enough as many of them are. Its contention is that the elimination of the labour traitors and betrayers, the professional mis-leaders can only be brought about by an enlightened membership. Therefore, the way out is through education by guiding fellow- workers reaction to the exploitation of capitalism and preventing their militancy from being shattered and demoralised by ill-considered actions. A correct understanding of actual conditions of the class struggle, and the political and economic trend of affairs, have helped much to prevent the Socialist Party from the wild goose chasing policies that have marked the career of certain other workers’ parties. The Socialist Party has pursued the policy of reaching as large numbers as possible with a sound elementary propaganda of socialist principles. This work has been carried out through street meetings, mass-meetings, lectures, and personal contact. In fact, everywhere that workers gather it has been our aim to keep class issues before them.Within the party, a thorough, systematic training is consistently carried on. This has brought forth capable speakers, teachers, and writers and the influence they wield, are constantly on the increase.

In capitalist society, that which the worker sells — labour power — his or her physical and mental skill, takes on the character of a commodity. Certain economic laws govern the capitalist system, which is a commodity producing one. A knowledge of those laws is imperative, if the workers are going to participate intelligently in the daily struggles against their exploiters. The economic principles, or laws, as laid bare by Marx, furnish the workers with the requisite knowledge to fight effectively. It is not enough to know how to strike, but it is necessary to know when. That is only one of the advantages that flow from a sound understanding of economics, the general historic nature, the make-up, of capitalism. A knowledge of history in general is useful to the worker, but he is often encumbered with it, not enlightened. The mode of interpreting history, as taught by the Socialist Party, the materialistic conception, the Marxian mode, is an illuminating method that clarifies the pastHistory, often but a jumble of dates and data in the mind of the worker, from materialistic standpoint becomes clear and comprehensible. “Great Men”,the creation of the myth-mongers, appear no longer as the mighty makers of history, but on the contrary as the products of history. The capitalist class and their servants cannot admit these facts. They dare not divulge American history as a history of class struggles.

What makes the class struggle a political struggle is the organized “public power of coercion,” the State. It upholds the power of the owning class, the capitalists, and represses (when necessary) the producing class, the workers, when they resist the rule and robbery of their masters. The State, or government, is the real organized force that confronts the masses of the people, the exploited proletarians. They can not meet this organized force of their class enemy as a disorganised and helpless mass. Organisation must be met with organisation, and ultimately the workers must triumph. Without this course being pursued, the workers and their children, and their children’s children, will remain the wage-slaves of the capitalists forever. It is the existence of class society with the State power in the hands of the exploiters of labour that determines the need for a political party to combat the ruling class and organise the working class for its final act as a class, namely, the political overthrow of capitalism.

If not yet a member of the Socialist Party, and convinced of the need for organization such as described here, then its logical to link up with those who are organised for the abolition of all exploitation, through the ushering in of a new class-free social order. Join the Socialist Party.


Saturday, August 15, 2020

Socialism - A Very Different Future

 Capitalism can be characterised by the fact that by and large all human needs can be bought and sold in the form of commodities. Among other commodities the worker sells his labour-power to the boss who employs him. Now by capitalist law, whatever the worker produces belongs to the employer, who in return pays the worker only part of the value of his product in the form of wages. The value retained by the capitalist in this exploitive process is called surplus value. Under capitalism the class struggle centers about the relative portions of the value produced by the worker that go to the worker in the form of wages and to the capitalist as surplus value. Profit is derived from unpaid labour time. Workers’ labour power is purchased on the market by the owners of capital. Put to work, on average in half the working week, it produces values sufficient to cover wages to maintain a worker and family. The value produced in the remainder of the working week constitutes surplus value, the source of profit. The commodities produced by workers’ socialised labour are privately appropriated by capitalists.

Socialism will be a world of peace and plenty, the ideal of the poor since time immemorial, the cooperative commonwealth for all who toil. No bosses, no landlords, no bankers, no loan sharks, no armament makers, no unemployment; no child labour; no sex trade or prostitution; no unfinished education; no broken old age; no long hours; no speed-up; no rich, no profiteers, no capitalism. Our aim is a communist, class-free society. It is inevitable that sooner or later these social conditions will impel people to organise to end the conflict between the socialised labour process and private ownership of the decisive means of production, the big factories, mines and corporate farms by the establishment of socialism. With socialism, production takes place for people’s use.

The working class revolution is the first to be carried out by the lowest social class in society, a class that has little economic power and little social wealth. We can compare the rise of the capitalists against the feudal system. The capitalist class was economically dominant by the time it sought political control of society.

The workers revolution is the first revolution aimed at a consciously planned overthrow of existing society. That is, it does not seek to return to a previous era, like the slave, nor does it seek to merely legalise its political domination of society in a situation where an economic transfer of power has already taken place, as had occurred in England in the seventeenth century and in France in the eighteenth century.

Like other revolutions, the working class revolution grows out of class antagonisms, overthrowing all existing human relationships and brings the whole working class into self-activity, and when classes begin to disappear it extends this process to all members of society. It is only in revolution itself that the vast majority of the oppressed can liberate themselves from the ideology of the ruling class. Ideological control by the ruling class is not simply exercised by education, television and the press but continually flows from the daily reality of working class life, as everything is produced and judged for its profitability.

Under capitalism, the commodity seems to be determining human relations and human labour is seen solely as a disposable commodity. Also, the alienating and increasing division of labour isolates workers and produces all sorts of mystifications. Only in a revolutionary situation of mass activity outside the confines of alienated labour can this deep ideological control be really broken.

Although political class consciousness can develop fully only during a revolution, it can only do so if it has begun to develop before the revolution. No matter how concentrated and centralised, capitalist economy always remains dominated by the anarchy of production, and no efforts at planning can fundamentally alter this. The Socialist Party has learned the brutal and murderous character of capitalist rule, to defend the profits of the few, to keep the workers in subjection, to perpetuate capitalism, the modern slave-holding class resorts to the most violent means at its disposal.

The prerequisites of a socialist society have been as follows: The abolition of exploitation of men by men, the obliteration of the division of society into classes, the destruction of the conditions from which they arise, i.e., the abolition of private property in the means of production, and the establishment of a class-free socialist society. In accordance with this, private ownership of the means of production and distribution has been abandoned, with all the practical consequences that this implies.

But what about the socialist society proposed by Marx and Engels — didn’t it miserably fail? No, in the same way as the teachings of Jesus cannot be equated with the subsequent misdeeds committed by the various churches in the name of his supposed teachings.

Our aim in the Socialist Party is a society free from exploitation and oppression, in other words, a class-free society. Socialism will also remove the enormous waste inherent in capitalist production with its duplication of effort - the manufacture of numerous but essentially similar products. It will put an end to the massive resources devoted on advertising and production of superfluous luxuries for the rich. Socialism will bring about a phenomenal development of the productive forces which will make it possible to provide adequate food, clothing and shelter – the necessities of life – for everyone on the face of the planet and will lay the material basis for a completely class-free society. Never again will any person die of hunger or a preventable disease, achieving a decent standard of living for all through the free distribution according to need. Socialism will increase the production of an ever wider range of goods to the point where supply exceeds demand - a cornucopia of abundance. Buying and selling will cease and  distribution of goods based on need.  The people as a whole own the means of production (factories, mines, etc.). Production is for people’s use, not for private profit. The principle of the operation of socialism is “from each according to ability, to each according to needs”. Production is of such a high level that there are abundant commodities for every member of the community and each member helps oneself according to needs. 

The desire for socialism as a just social system, runs deep among workers. That desire may be latent, but it is always present. It ignites whenever there is crisis in society and the people are involved in struggle. That can be any intense struggle such as campaigning for peace, for preservation of the environment or during a strike and in many other circumstances. The socialist message in such conditions may receive a receptive response, encouraging hope among the working people. 


Friday, August 14, 2020

The Cruelty of Grouse Shooting

A quarter of a million animals are killed each year on Scottish shooting estates to allow grouse to thrive so they can then be shot for the blood “sport.”

260,000 animals were killed each year in an attempt to totally eradicate foxes, stoats, weasels and crows to increase the number of grouse for so-called sport shooting. 57,000 killing devices are deployed each day in Scotland.

Nearly half of the animals killed are “non-target” species such as hedgehogs, dippers and mistle thrush.

The study also found that failure to comply with existing codes of practice is widespread on Scottish grouse moors. Guidelines produced by professional organisations that represent the shooting industry appear to serve “little useful function.” 

The League Against Cruel Sports (LACS), Robbie Marsland, said: "It gives an illustration of the grim reality of Scotland’s grouse moors. Our report leaves us in absolutely no doubt that managing such large parts of Scottish moorland for an industry which makes a woefully low contribution to the economy is entirely misguided and outdated.”

https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/b/quarter-million-animals-killed-year-scotland-increase-grouse-numbers

Community Ownership

 Wanlockhead, the highest village in Scotland have voted in favour of plans for a community buyout.
They were balloted over a bid to take ownership of nearly 4,000 acres of land in Dumfries and Galloway from the Duke of Buccleuch.