“Together For All”

A few personal reflections by this blogger concerning organisation and the Socialist Party

We are all alienated under capitalism - alienated from the sort of work that might be meaningful, the sort of relationships that might sustain us, alienatated from the Earth and from the human community. We are also alienated from our own true selves. We want change but we don't want to see the world reproduced as it currently is. It is not just about dreaming up blueprints for a new society, though that can be important if we do that together.  It's about transforming our social lives and relationships, transforming ourselves. It’s about  challenging the lonely hopes of our fellow workers of winning the lottery to escape their misery, and of  disillusioning others of their  fantasies for violent revenge upon those who oppress us. We need to re-focus our aim towards the personal gain of collective struggle for common ownership, emphasising it is about working for ourselves yet not about individual survival. We have to succeed in tracing social and personal problems to their root - capitalism.

 The recession and the State’s austerity policies has made the need for a radical re-thinking of our politics more urgent than ever. In fact the bigger picture is that we are literally destroying the Earth and billions of lives in the name of capitalist economic growth. The Occupy movement which emerged around the world with its camps tried to present alternative social relationships, political power and future possibilities. Protest movements need to promise a different, better world in both word and deed. They cannot limit themselves to offering seemingly practical palliatives, but must act as catalysts to advance and defend visions of a very different world. An expanding capitalist economy provides suitable conditions for reformism and for many decades reformist ideas have been dominant in the working class. However, the belief that the systems we live under can be reformed or tamed is hopeless idealism whereas the revolutionary approach is pragmatic and understands the only real way out of the exploitation we are living under. Bold declarations of radical aspirations ignites and inspires the imagination and and when combined with thoughtful organization, can change the world. Revolutions are not built purely out of love and cosy sentiments. Rather, movements need to possess structures where disagreement, argument and critical thinking can flourish and emerge from the differences between people, ideas, experiences and strategies. It is by working through conflicts of opinion, and not by glossing them over in the name of false unity or claims to party efficacy that contributes to our vitality. Making room for these disagreements, but ensuring they don't handicap the movement, is key.

Why does the Socialist Party exist? Nothing less than to help make a social revolution which is a complete transformation of human society and all its social relations. That is no small thing. It is about the biggest job that any body have ever set itself and the means at our disposal is simply other people like ourselves. The emancipation of the working class must be the work of the working-class themselves. There is no other way. We endeavour to organise a working-class political party, independent of, and hostile to, all capitalist parties, as an instrument for the political, economic and social emancipation of the working-class. It is in the direction of building up a class-conscious working-class socialist party that we have concentrated our efforts and  energy. Agitate, Educate, Organise!

Perhaps, as some critics say, our methods are not perfect and we have never claimed that we haven’t made mistakes or that we should not engage in self-examination of our tactics or methods. We have no reason for complacency. But the Socialist Party does claim that the road we have marked out is the right road, and that no other political organisation has, as yet, discovered a better way.  Whatever may or not be the faults that which we have to reproach ourselves, it is scarcely a failure to be placed at our feet  if those to whom we make our appeal decline to take the path we point out to them, and persist in taking detours down every side-track and dead end in search of a short-cut. Where we could have missed opportunity is that in organising we could have failed to take advantage of new ideas and conceptions in communications. When we present our alternatives, we need to assess them on the basis of how well they allow us to confront and overcome systems of exploitation and oppression.

 Not only have we not succeeded mustering the working-class to our banner, the fact is, many sincere socialists remain outside our party. Let us search for the reasons and if possible remedy them. Do we distance possible friends and allies rather than to win them over? There must be adherence to the party’s principles but also there should be room within it for every genuine socialist. There should be no hunt for possible heresies, no obsession about reaching full 100% agreement on non-essential points of difference but instead a celebration of  the core points of consensus to bring all comrades into a united socialist party, a living, vibrant instrument for the emancipation of humanity!  It needs to make common cause with others of like mind for a real, material transformation of the world. Our confidence and hopes are activated and animated when we encounter examples of new ideas. The sound of the class war drums become a common beat as we increasing engage in shared understanding. There needs to be the realisation that building solidarity is never-ending work.

Rather than a slogan of “Alone Against All” it should be “Together For All”

Who Owns the North Pole Part 72

Canada has launched a scientific mission to map the seabed surrounding the North Pole, aimed at claiming the area.

The Canadian government said in a statement issued on Friday that two ice-breakers will be sent to the Arctic waters to gather scientific information to support a plan to extend Canadian territory up to the North Pole.

“Our government is committing the resources necessary to ensure that Canada secures international recognition of the full extent of its continental shelf, including the North Pole,” said Canada’s Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird.

The mission comes after Ottawa filed a UN application in December 2013, seeking to vastly expand its Atlantic sea boundary. If Canada’s claim over the territory is accepted by the UN body, its share of the potentially oil/gas-rich region would grow dramatically. The US Geological Survey estimated previously that the area could hold 13 percent of the world’s undiscovered oil and up to 30 percent of its hidden natural gas reserves.

Pathetic Reflections

It has been widely reported that Henry La Croix had an accident three days into his intended bike ride from The Arctic to Argentina that prevented him from continuing. La Croix's plan was to raise money for Alzheimer's research. One may respect La Croix for his altruism but nevertheless it is a pathetic reflection on capitalist society where one would feel compelled to take such action because of lack of action by governments who should be tackling the problem adequately. In a socialist society such action by individuals would not be necessary. John Ayers.

Money Trumps everything

The first new town built in India after its so-called independence in 1947, Chandigarh, was designed by the famous Swiss-French architect, Le Corbusier. There was just one small problem, his plans did not include housing for labourers who were forced to live in shanty towns outside of town. In 2006, the city government introduced a scheme to construct 25,000 new apartments with water and electricity for the poor folk. The fact that the shanty- towns are being leveled so that the developers can build luxury homes for the rich is merely coincidental. Oh, and just one other small detail – some of the shanty towns are being leveled before the workers apartments have been built. In capitalism, money trumps everything! John Ayers.

World Without Borders

There are examples where groups and individuals who claim to be indigenous to the land, so to speak, lash out against those they consider to be “interlopers”, “aliens,” “foreigners,” and “outsiders” - immigrants. Few issues today so sharply differentiates the revolutionary socialists and nationalist reformists as that of the cross-border migration of workers. The issue at stake is a challenge to the very existence of the national State and its prerogatives in the control of a territory and the inhabitants. Some of the Left care only to gain control of the State and acquire  its power over its citizens not with abolishing the State, per se. Accepting the right of the State to control immigration is accepting its right to exist. When some on the Left deplore the ill treatment of immigrants it is seen, not as an attack on the powers of the State, but as an argument for ending all immigration. Demands for a “humane immigration policy” rival the fantasies of liberal NGOs make to send capital to the countries from which the immigrants come, not immigrants to the countries where capital exists. If the reformers had power to direct capital to new locations, then it has the power to abolish capital. To permit the expulsion of illegal immigrants is to take one step nearer to the expulsion of immigrants, which in turn is a step closer to the expulsion of selected sections of natives and we already see the early signs with “terrorists” being deprived of passports and hence their nationality, made stateless.

The U.N. estimates that 79.9% of children in Guatemala, 78.9% in El Salvador and 63.1% in Honduras live in poverty. In Honduras, rates of malnutrition reach 48.5% in rural areas, while almost half of Guatemalan children are moderately or severely stunted in growth. Honduras is the eighth most unequal country worldwide, and Guatemala isn’t far behind.  According to a report from the Washington-based Center for Economic and Policy Research, since the Zelaya coup in 2009 the economy has plunged, poverty has increased, social spending on health care and education has been slashed, economic inequality has worsened, and 100% of all real income gains have accrued to the wealthiest 10 percent of Hondurans. The  economic policies of the so-called “Washington Consensus” – centered around privatization, trade and financial liberalization, and diminished social spending. In Honduras and Guatemala the bottom 50% actually experienced a decrease in its income share during this period. Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala have been kept under the jackboot of murderous regimes, with U.S. support, for much of the twentieth century. Superimposed on this has been a devastating wave of gang violence. Honduras is now the murder capital of the world. El Salvador and Guatemala have also some of the highest homicide rates in the world. The immigrants eager to cross the US-Mexican border for security and sanctuary are refugees of inequality.

Nationalism and socialism are contradictory. Socialism must be international or it can not exist at all; it is a sham. In the end, not socialism but nationalism and the national State will have to disappear. The world is irresistibly being driven to internationalism and interdependence, the only race remaining, that of the human race as a whole. The capitalist system has freed people from the soil."Where I fare well, there is my home”. Workers journey often with their families in order to settle wherever conditions are most favourable. Everywhere, human beings are the same, no matter where they come from or where they go to in search of their bread and butter. He is but a nomad. They leave behind unemployment but only too frequently they find  discrimination. They constitute a large section of the workers in transport and on building sites. They staff our restaurants, our laundries, work in factories. They also face hostility at work, in schools, in pubs, because of where they were born.

The new land is usually one in which the laws and their administration are more favourable to the workers than those of their original home. And  co-workers have no motive for depriving them of what little protection they can get from the law the struggle against exploiting employers. Their interest lies rather in increasing everybody’s  ability to withstand the common enemy. Prejudice, of which he or she allows him or herself to be made a victim, does as much harm as it does the newcomer. The capitalist artificially stimulates antagonisms in order to be able to control.

Intimidatory immigration controls has nothing to do with the specific characteristics of the foreign worker concerned, but rather is related to the need to secure the loyalty of the natives. It is a ruling class strategy of directing blame for the failures of capitalism onto the “newcomers”. While it is workers which leads the attack on foreign workers, the ruling class can sleep easy  in their beds.

Over the  years the demands of the working class for better living conditions have not been met and accusing fingers are pointing at the  people who have emigrated from their home as if this were an answer to these demands. No doubt the world mobility of labour is a great hardship for the workers in countries where the standard of living is high and the conditions of labour are comparatively good. In such countries, naturally, immigration will exceed emigration. As a result the labourers with the greater standard of living will be hindered in their class-struggle by the influx of those with a lower standard and less power of resistance. Under certain circumstances this sort of competition, like that of the capitalists, may lead to a new emphasis on national lines, a new hatred of foreign workers on the part of the native born. But the conflict of nationalities, which is perpetual among the capitalists, can be only temporary among the proletarians. For sooner or later the workers will discover that the immigration of cheap labour is as inevitable a result of the capitalist system as the introduction of machinery or the forcing of women into industry. Wages always come down when two are after the same job. That’s the fault of competition, not of the person who cuts the price. When they say: - “The immigrants are taking your jobs,” we answer: - it is the capitalist system which causes unemployment.

 It is also learned that the workers of each nation that their success in the class-struggle is dependent on the progress of the working-class of other nations. For a time this may turn them against foreign workers, but finally they come to see that there is only one effective means of removing the hindering influence of backward nations: to do away with the backwardness itself. German workers have every reason to co-operate with Asia’s workers in order that they may secure higher wages and a shorter working-day; likewise the English workers have the same interest in relation to the Eastern Europeans, and the North Americans in relation to Latin America. The dependence of the working class of one land on that of another leads inevitably to a joining of forces by workers of various lands.

The national hatred which the working class absorbed from the capitalists steadily disappears and the working-class frees itself from national prejudices. Working-people learn more and more to see in the foreign labourer a fellow-fighter, a comrade. How necessary is the international solidarity of the class-struggles was recognized in the beginning by the authors of the Communist Manifesto. This historic document is addressed to the workers of all lands and concludes by calling upon them to unite. The working class must remember that in their unity is their strength. That the strength of the working class is all powerful because it is based on the determination to end all oppression, all exploitation of man by man, and to oppose all subjection of man on grounds of nationality, colour, or creed. Unlike the unity of the capitalists it is based on a total and enduring unity of interests. But in the absence of working class unity, the strength of the capitalists is greatly increased.

A Deadlly Society

We have all seen politicians and religious leaders commemorating the 100th anniversary of the Great War of 1914-18. What we haven't seen is any of them apologising for the society that produced such a bloodbath. 'More than nine million troops were killed, and, depending on how you count them, as many as 10 million civilians. In Turkey, Russia, the Balkans and elsewhere, unprecedented millions of people became homeless refugees. Some 21 million soldiers were wounded. In Britain, 41,000 men had one or more limbs amputated; in France, so many had mangled faces that they formed a National Union of Disfigured Men.' (Guardian, 28 July) This is what capitalism and its drive for markets leads to  - disfigurement and death. RD

There is Power in the Union

Trade unionism is the organised refusal of the workers to submit meekly to the laws of supply and demand. The trade unions, in Marx’s phrase, were centers of resistance to the encroachments of capital. Neither the value of the workers’ commodity labour power, nor his standard of living in general are fixed automatically but by way of the class struggle. The first attempts to combine in trade unions encounters the savage repression by the State. Trade unions were declared an unlawful society and to strike, a crime. The propertied class today are just as  hostile to trade unionism as they were generations ago. The present day capitalist class is once again engaged in the restriction of trade union activities. Statutes forbid the sympathetic solidarity strikes and places limitations upon peaceful picketing. The right to strike, if at all effectual, must carry with it the corollary right to organize the unorganised and persuade them to join the strike. Only a strike growing out of a trade dispute within narrow limits are “legal”and hanging over every union is the threat of  employers legal injunctions and criminal proceedings. Yet unions which abandon their militant functions for defensive or offensive purposes, invite legal and governmental strangulation at the hands of a capitalist class. Whatever concessions have been wrung from the capitalist class in the past have been along the way of mass struggle. The “democratic” state is the political representation of the interests of private property and not of the working class.

The bubble burst. The collapse of banks and the stock market, the deep decline in industry, and the creation of a huge army of the un- or underemployed are having the effect of wiping out  illusion in the minds of broad sections of the working class. Capitalism is revealed in all its frailties of its anarchic production for profit. The attempts of capitalism to exit the  crisis by a re-adjustment of its industry for more effective competition on the world market, attempts which spell rationalisation, wage-slashing, and a general offensive upon the workers’ standards of living, can only further the process of disillusionment. Under the pressure of these developments,  workers are moving away from their former passivity and moving away from acquiescence. There is a growing mood for struggle and militancy.

Once again there exists alarm among the wealthy at the “spectre” of communism. Employers are fully aware that as a result of unemployment and the pay-cutting offensive, and ending of the welfare state workers hitherto faithful to the traditions of capitalist politics will be radicalised by their increasing experience of misery and mounting exposure to inequality. The pressure upon the workers has become unbearable. For sure, the capitalist class of this country has not yet lost its confidence and its power to rule. There is no immediate revolutionary struggles on the horizon. But the necessary defensive resistance of the workers can become the starting point for revolutionary struggles in the future. Once started in that direction, we in the Socialist Party are confident that the momentum of the class struggle will be like an avalanche (or perhaps like an ever-enlarging snowball). Nobody can foretell the exact speed of events, but nobody has the right, to count on an even and gradualist course of the class struggle. The workers must be clear that even were the exploiters willing to grant them without struggle no mere palliatives or reforms will suffice any longer. You cannot serve both the wealthy and the workers without committing treachery.

 The power of the  plutocracy is great. But there is a power greater than theirs and that is the power of numbers. Organise!

Saving Construction Costs

Next door, in India in the last weekend of June, there were two building collapses that killed at least twenty-two people. The Toronto Star news reporter said, " Most homes in that part of the capital (New Delhi) were built without permission using substandard materials." Building collapses are common in India because lax regulations and enforcement encourage builders to cut corners, add unauthorized floors, and use poor materials to save construction costs and increase profits. This will not end while the profit system is in place and until the workers end it. John Ayers.

To Late For Some

The Alliance for Bangladesh Worker Safety that includes 26 top brands such as Walmart, Hudson's Bay Company, The Gap, Canadian Tire, and The Children's Place, has closed or partially closed seven factories for remediation after inspectors found structural problems and safety concerns. Workers will be compensated for up to four months – commendable but a bit late for many who have already lost their lives or ability to work because of the companies' blatant lack of concern and blind pursuit of profit. John Ayers

For All Or For None

Every state is the dictatorship of some class over another. It is a body of armed men organised by the class in power to suppress the rights of those classes opposed to the continued rule of the dominant class. The economic system and the state structure, that prevails today is a capitalist economic system, a capitalist state structure — a reality that cannot be denied by any trickery of words. The government is an executive committee for managing the common affairs of the capitalist class as a whole. The State acts on the basis of the naked self-interest of the ruling class. The state is a machine for the oppression of one class by another. The fundamental political problem for the capitalists  is to protect their class interests of the small exploiting minority while obscuring the true nature of its state from the great majority of the people. All the laws passed by the capitalists’ politicians have as their purpose the further enslavement and robbery of the masses and the protection of the unjustly acquired wealth of the rich, who produce nothing of value, but appropriate the product of the sweat and blood of the workers. No matter how fine-sounding these laws which will apply "equally” to rich and poor alike, they were only written to deceive people. The 1946 Employment Act and the 1978 Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act legally obligate the president and Congress to use all available means to achieve full employment. Reformists try constantly to get the masses to trust in the legal system and have faith in their “rights” granted by the capitalists to their wage-slaves. Appeals to paper promises and prattling on about a fake legal “right” awarded by the capitalist government are worse than pointless.

The interests of the capitalists and of the working class are irreconcilable. Pitiless exploitation and the anarchy of the market oppress working people in a thousand different ways. Capital must accumulate in order to survive. It grows by keeping for itself the surplus value produced by workers after they have reproduced the value of their labour power, their wages. Surplus value is the source of all profit. The unending search for surplus value, for profit, is the motive force of capitalist production. Capitalism can produce only for profit. It is forced constantly to seek new ways to achieve the maximum rate of profit. In its restless search for maximum profits, spurred on by ruthless competition, each capitalist company is bound to attempt to increase its productive strength to the full. The capitalists cut their costs of production mainly by stepping up their already vicious exploitation of the working class. They cut their wage bills by reducing wages and sacking workers. They also make the remaining workers work longer hours and they increase the intensity of labour. Capitalists also reduce their wage bill by buying more advanced machinery in order to produce the same goods with less labour. In times of economic recession the capitalists tell us to tighten our belts and toil harder for them, “in the national interest”. They try to increase exploitation so as to get the huge profit needed to start capital expanding again. Competition among the vying capitalists to minimise losses is fierce. In this battle the winners as well as the losers lay workers reduce living standards to offload their crisis onto the backs of the working class. The working class must fight all attempts by the capitalist to shift the burden of their economic crisis. We must resist all wage cuts, unemployment, speed-ups, tax rises, and cuts in government welfare services. We must make the capitalists pay for their own crisis rather than people being kept from working to keep wages low

Working is the exclusive means of income and occupies a great portion of time of workers. It is a source of dignity and achievement. Workers run and maintain machinery, build factories and homes, work up the various products for the market—in short produce and reproduce society. When there is a crying need for more services and products for people it is a tragedy that many are forced to be unemployed. It is the nature of the capitalist system itself behind this madness. unemployment results from the basic drives of capitalism. Labor power is a commodity brought to market by workers. To keep its costs down capitalism can either raise the supply by forcing new layers (e.g., migrants) onto the labour market, or it can lower the demand by automation of  labour-intensive production processes. It does both. Capitalism has an inherent drive to introduce new technologies, to revolutionise production. The chief result is accumulation by reducing the proportion of living labour to “dead labour": machinery and materials. Marx made the striking observation that while generals win wars by recruiting armies, capitalists win their competitive wars by firing them. Under the impact of automation, workers are thrown into the street to form what he called the “industrial reserve army,” a mass of disposable labour which could be used in several ways. One is to supply masses of labor when and where the need arises without disrupting production elsewhere. Another is as a weapon against the employed workers, a constant downward pressure on wages and their militancy.  Workers tossed on the streets are often confused and demoralised, while those with jobs are cowed and become protective of them.

 Marx also noted:
1) the size of the reserve army depends on the needs and conditions of capitalist production; it does not indicate absolute overpopulation;
2) it varies with the cycles of capitalist development—smaller at the end of the boom period, larger in times of crisis—but its existence is constant;
3) it has an active element that Marx termed the “floating” section (including part-timers), a more destitute “stagnant” part, and a “latent” element composed of a population rendered superfluous by productive developments in agriculture and other spheres where capitalist methods were being newly introduced.

Work can now be transferred to different parts of the world with much greater ease, in order to seek cheaper labor or force workers to accept less. The result, along with a further concentration of capital, is the internationalisation of the reserve army. Alongside the automated factory, the sweatshop has re-emerged.

The working class must overthrow the dictatorship of the capitalist by socialist revolution. Our enemy is the capitalist class and all those in league with them. We place our hope in the people, helping them to raise their understanding of individual oppression to collective oppression, from collective oppression to class oppression, from awareness only of economic oppression to awareness of political oppression, and from awareness of the need for reforms within the existing system to awareness of the need for political struggles for socialist revolution. The politicians have shown time and again that they serve big business first. If we fight back, we can win but any gains or concessions acquired in the past were won because capitalism feared something greater: workers’ revolution. And now even these gains are being eroded and disappearing. If the aim of workers’ resistance is only to persuade politicians to grant reforms, and is not a struggle about making workers conscious of the need for all-out confrontation with capital then it will be all a futile effort that merely raise false hopes. To advocate struggles for reforms and expect the struggle itself to turn automatically into revolutionary demands would be equally illusionary.

The Socialist Party does, however, recognise the revolutionary potential created by the recession. There is a heightened awareness among workers that this system will never fulfill their needs nor grant their demands. Reformists simply no longer has very much to offer. Despite it being a long and difficult struggle, the fight for socialism is now very much worth engaging in, particularly knowing what the bleak capitalist future has in store for us all. That is why working people should join us in this effort.

Parasites And Poverty

Probably nothing sums up better the contrast between the life style of the owning class and the working class than the place in which they live. 'She invested a staggering $85 million refurbishing the 56,000 square foot mansion in the exclusive Los Angeles enclave of Holmby Hills. But now three years after buying the sprawling estate, Petra Stunt, billionaire daughter of Formula One boss Bernie Ecclestone is selling up, according to new reports. And if you fancy yourself as the next lady of the manor you better hope your bank balance is in good shape - the asking price is a cool $150 million.' (Daily Mail, 28 July) This useless parasite is living in a 110 room mansion whilst many workers fear unemployment, unpaid mortgages or are living in inadequate bed and breakfast accommodation. RD

Poverty In Indonesia

As capitalism expands all over the world its development leads to an unimaginable level of inequality and the gulf between rich and poor has widened in Indonesia more than in any other developing country. 'It has grown by as much as 60 per cent over the last decade, according to our comprehensive look at inequality in the country. While the rich get richer, around 40 per cent of the country's 250 million people still live with less than $2 per day. The last ten years in Indonesia following the departure of former President Suharto and the Asian financial crisis in 1997-1998 has seen dramatic change. Across Asia we've seen rapid growth, but this hasn't trickled down to the region's most impoverished people as much as one would hope - and Indonesia is a case in point. The country's economy has boomed since the 2000s, but this has benefited the rich more than the poor.' (Aljazeera, 29 July) Millions of people trying to survive on less than $2 a day. Capitalism must go! RD

I got no flag. I got no country.

 “The strongest bond of human sympathy, outside of the family relation, should be one of uniting all working people of all nations, tongues and kindreds." Abraham Lincoln

So the Yes and No camps have had their big TV spectacular. Salmond and Darling engaged in what was called a debate, exchanging facts and figures, throwing the occasional spanner into the  other’s arguments, and hoping we all fall their respective spin. The Socialist Party members were not taken in by the clever sound-bites and many workers, too, will see through the charade.

No country is yours or mine. The ruling class use nationalism to side-track the aspirations of the workers. Nationalism is by no means struggles a way forward to the liberation of the working class but represents local capitalists wanting a larger slice of the profits from exploitation of local workers - “their” workers. Left nationalists preach class collaboration with proponents of private property, contributing nothing but division and confusion. Independence is an empty vessel which demagogues eager to fill with false and even dangerous content. They ally with the bosses. Their political principles can be summed up as: first independence, everything else after. “Everything else” is class struggle, revolution, and socialism. Those supposed radicals present the fallacious case that political independence would constitute a step which is not only necessary but revolutionary in and of itself. Nationalist demagoguery is still with us, here and elsewhere, to deceive the people.

 How many peoples are now paying a heavy price for having put their faith in the pretensions of their nationalist leaders? In spite of their “independence”, countries are still governed according to the rules of capitalist exploitation. Once the nationalists are victorious, at the first important conflict we see the “national” police clubbing the “national” workers by order of the “national” state whose legality is maintained at all costs by the “national” judges and the “national” industrialists maintain their profit level and the “national” finance companies do a great business.
The nationalists have taught us well. We now all know who is responsible for all the economic troubles and political instability in Scotland. It isn’t capitalism at all but the 1707 Union! Scottish workers, however, understand only to well the different task before them. It is to unite to resist the attacks upon them, regardless of the passport of the employer. The class enemy of Scottish workers is identical with the class enemy of the working class as a whole. The global domination of capital means that a nationally-located socialism is an illusion, and so the only way to overcome this problem is through world revolution.

Since the days of Marx, socialists have challenged the capitalists’ national chauvinism with our own appeals for the international solidarity of the working class. We have opposed the attempts of capitalists to enlist the workers in their nationalist strivings with our own appeals for class struggle of the workers of all countries against world capitalism. History has proven that independence is not the objective interests of the working class. The workers will not win victories in the struggle against capitalism  if it fights in dispersed formation against the same enemy. All it will do is make a “breach” in its own defences.

  It is the slogan “world socialism” which must be raised by revolutionists from the first. This slogan serves not only to distinguish the Marxists from the nationalist fakirs of all shades, but also to express the deep-rooted aspirations of the workers movement. The Socialist Party is fighting for the victory of the working class and for a world society that will see an end to all artificial national boundaries. We are out to develop the international struggle of workers, and to unite workers, not to reinforce mistaken identification with the oppressor. Governments need nationalism to make people obey them. They use nationalism to make people think that they are not just obeying a particular group of men but that they are doing their duty to “the nation”.

The Ref..errr? ..end...ummm?

 The left nationalist case invites Scottish workers to cast aside their historic solidarity with their English and Welsh allies, on the grounds that it is only possible to achieve progress towards socialism in Scotland. Collective action co-ordinated across all nations presents the best prospects of success. Our Left nationalists should stop playing with words. For starters, they should quit pretending that sovereignty would be a step towards working class emancipation and recognise instead that what socialists want is real independence. What we want is freedom from capitalist domination.

Love your little bit of what is called Scotland, your street, your neighbourhood, your town or village, but love the human family, all life, and the planet Earth more. There are no countries (or gods), just the human family and kindred species, sharing the fruits of one living biosphere. From the tiniest creatures to the global ecosystem, we are all part of the same natural evolutionary journey, and we must love all life like kin. It is absolute madness that the human family can't take responsibility for its actions and instead learn to share and live in peace in order to avert a possible and increasingly probable ecological apocalypse. The human family must come together globally or else all is lost. Capitalism is causing increased war, pestilence, poverty and the rise in authoritarianism. We face an unprecedented global emergency as life-giving ecosystems collapse. Either humanity immediately comes together to embrace liberty and socialism or we each face a violent end.

Whatever choice the Scottish people make, the Socialist Party will continue the fight for working class liberation, border or no border. What is the “independence” they yearn for, if it means being trapped within national borders - jail-cells inside the bigger prison of capitalism?

Labour Theory Of Theft

A recent attendee at one of our discussion meetings revealed that he worked in a fast food joint for $7 per hour. He would often make a sandwich in a few minutes that cost $7, so for the rest of the hour he was working for nothing – the labour theory of theft at work! John Ayers.

Nine To Five Drudgery

NINE TO FIVE DRUDGERY                                        

The image projected by the press of happy workers going of to work like a cartoon Seven Dwarfs chanting "Hey, Ho Hey Ho -It's Off To Work We Go" is a complete fantasy.'Half the population are so miserable in their jobs that they believe their career choice was a mistake, a survey suggests. Legal professionals were the unhappiest, according to the poll of 2,000 workers by Kalixa Pro, the card payment company.' (Times, 4 August) Capitalism is such a miserable society that anyone singing on their way to work would be locked up for being drunk or insane! RD

A NHS For The Poverty-Stricken

A NHS FOR THE POVERTY-STRICKEN                                   

One of the many boasts of British politicians is that they have devised and operate a a wonderful National Health Service, but how wonderful is it in realty? 'More than 500 patients have waited for over a year for a routine operation. The NHS in England has been ordered to prioritise patients who have endured long waits for routine treatment. Ministers want to see more than 100,000 procedures carried out during the summer on those who have waited longer than 18 weeks - the official target. There are nearly 200,000 in that situation - 65,000 of which have been waiting for more than half a year and over 500 for more than a year.' (BBC News, 4 August) Needless to say anyone with a few bob would obviously ignore the NHS. RD

Soap-box to Ballot-box

Science, technology and invention are diverted from their humane purpose to the enslavement of men, women and children. We, the overwhelming majority are wage slaves. Human ingenuity and natural resources are wasted so that the capitalists may rule. Through the perversion of democracy to the ends of plutocracy, workers are robbed of the wealth which they alone produce. No matter who is elected to the driver's seat, capitalism will continue to prove that it cannot fulfill its endless and monotonous promises of a better tomorrow. Economic and social disintegration will grind on, and with it the process of mass disillusionment.

Socialism is not merely a new economic system as some think. It is also the rearrangement of human relationships. The present system of boss and worker is, in effect, a system of slavery. The vast majority of us sell ourselves, and are bought, on a labour market. So long as capitalism lasts, there is no escape for us from the need to sell ourselves. Our capacity to work is all we have to sell, and we must sell it to the capitalists. That's how the capitalists make a profit -- by exploiting the working class. That is, the working class produces all the wealth, from which the capitalist ruling class takes the largest portion, in this process of exploitation, and, in return, gives its slaves a wage.

Under these conditions, economic considerations must always be prior to human values and human values.  The establishment of a meaningful life instead of mankind as an economic thing, depends on just how quickly the majority organises to make the land and the productive tools the common property of society. The technical and human resources necessary to create an affluent society for all, not just the privileged few, are simply waiting to be claimed. If we want to stop the degradation, we must end exploitation. If we want to free ourselves from wage slavery, we must abolish the profit system. If we want to live decent lives of freedom and fulfillment, we must build a socialism

The Socialist Party call upon the people to organise to substitute the present state of disorder with the cooperative commonwealth. We call upon them to unite with us in a mighty effort to gain by all practicable means the political power. The idea of winning over the working class to the abandonment of political action and political propaganda is futile. The Socialist Party raises the banner of revolution and demands the unconditional surrender of the capitalist class.  the material foundation for the new society is already in existence, then its long overdue birth depends upon appearance of the proper motivation. This motivation must be on a mass enough scale that it cannot be 'vetoed" by the ruling class, no matter how desperate to preserve its privileges.

At present, the workers’ movement is divided. Each group pursues its own goal, guided by its own vision, each sure its way is the correct one. There are some who wish to concentrate on immediate issues refusing to resign themselves to suffer while they wait for socialism. Like workers on strike, all those who are being victimized by deprivation, economic and cultural, will struggle to wring from the present every concession they can get. Many people involved in political activity want to know what is  down the road, perhaps not all the way to the end , but a long ways down. They want to know what they are getting into, and what the chances are, and whether there is really anything positive in sight that is worth the commitment and risk. Without setting out a blueprint, the Socialist Party presents a reasonably clear picture of the requirements of a modern cooperative society and offers offers a plan of how we can all bring a socialist society into being.

To accomplish that revolution, we must organise on the political field. We will accomplish nothing but our own suicide by attempts at armed insurrection. Politically, we must use every forum open to us, from the soap-box to the ballot-box, to spread the idea of revolution. We must be conscious of what we are doing and where we're going, conscious to a degree never before seen in a revolution. Isn't it about time we let democracy work for us ? To do that, we have to stop watching and letting the politicians and the corporations do our thinking. Democracy is not a spectator sport. We have to do our own thing to live in the kind of society we desire. We have all the constitutional laws available for our use to change our necessary social institutions to work for us.so we can live in a peaceful and prosperous society. Let's learn how to use them. Let's for once give democracy a chance! We always told what has been done and what will be done, and the voting process is packaged in keeping with the party bosses plans. Fact is, as a majority..., we, the people, don’t need to be screwed. When it comes to having any measure of democracy in any real decision making, we have the  real say in what goes on.yet we never really get things done in our best interests. The point is that we have to take control of our own lives. Our revolution will be the first in history of, by and for the working class, with no elite "Party" leading us by the nose into a bureaucratic "Worker's State" so it can climb on our backs like any ruling class.

The corporation owners, the CEOs and the big investors don't care about people, only their profits. We have nothing in common with those people. They are of another class, not our's. The line supervisor are paid to manage us, but they're in our class, have no doubt about it. They can be fired any day, just like the rest of us. The different levels of income does not mean we are of a different class. That's how we have been divided. But the ones with the millions and billions, who you never see at your places of work, are in a class all by themselves!

Workers cannot sit around with folded arms hoping that if some individuals on the side-lines shout “Down with the capitalist system!” enough times, the system will disappear from the face of this earth. Capitalism calls for a radical cure, a revolutionary surgeon’s scalpel to excise class division, and not a reformist snake-oil potion to soothe the ulcer and retain the body of capitalism

THE SOCIALIST GOAL

The purpose of the Socialist Party is to replace capitalism with the economic and social democracy of socialism.

 Computers and technological advances in production have swept through and transformed many industries. There is no question that these changes in the means and methods of production have wiped out millions of jobs. Many of the factories and production plants that once littered the country have disappeared. Some have been torn down or abandoned. Some have been replaced by new facilities equipped with the labour-displacing computers and robotics that have left millions of workers unemployed and unlikely ever again to find work at their former trades. At the same time, however, millions of workers are still employed in the manufacturing and extractive industries dedicated to the production of commodities, whether raw materials such as coal, oil and steel, or to finished products such as cars, aircraft and apparel. They continue to turn out commodities meant to be sold for a profit. While this may be the "age of information," virtually all of that information is gathered and applied to facilitate the production and disposal of finished goods on the domestic and world markets.

In short, while technological advances have brought and will continue to bring changes into the industrial process, they are being used to increase the quantity of manufactured goods, but to do it by intensifying the exploitation of a dwindling number of workers. It is absolutely certain that capitalism will continue to introduce new and increasingly sophisticated technology into industry. It is a certainty that millions more workers will be forcibly evicted from the economy -- and not only workers in the manufacturing and extractive industries, but millions who now hold so-called "white-collar" jobs. Indeed, that process is already well underway. Promises that "post- industrial" capitalism would create new and "high-paying" jobs to replace those that have been eliminated have proven hollow. Instead we have low-paid service industry jobs.

An absolute certainty because of the economic laws on which capitalism is based -- laws which compel every capitalist concern to strive for the greatest possible profit at the lowest possible cost,  mean one thing. It can only mean that permanent joblessness is the only future that millions -- perhaps the majority -- of workers can look forward to as long as capitalism survives.

To put it another way: Unless the working class becomes conscious of what a capitalist future holds the time may well come when it will be reduced to a beggar state. A capitalist future is human misery.

At some stage in the mass displacement of workers by modern technology the fear that already touches millions of workers will mature into the realisation that they must act in their own defence. The realisation will grow that there is no solution to the problem within the capitalist system. Thought, discussion, enlightenment will produce action. The real question therefore is: At what stage will this occur? The answer will doubtless involve many other factors, not the least of which will be the economic distortions and political reaction resulting from capitalist economic anarchy.

It is, of course, possible that the workers may remain apathetic even while the ranks of chronically unemployed grow to massive proportions. We do not think that they will, and we shall do all in our power to insure that they won't. Nevertheless, it is possible. In this case, society would move into an era of industrial feudalism which, while it would not last forever, might keep the workers in a state of industrial serfdom for decades.

Socialism is no predestined inevitable development and depends, not upon material conditions alone; it depends on these-plus clearness of vision to assist the evolutionary process. Nor was the agency of intellect needed at any previous stage of social evolution in the class struggle to the extent that it is needful at this, the culminating one of all. Because socialism is not an automatic affair, workers as a class must play an active role in the socialist revolution. Capitalism will not vanish. It will remain until it is overthrown. And capitalism can be overthrown only as the result of class conscious mass struggle.

Promoting class conciousness, however, is no easy matter. Workers are bombarded daily with capitalist propaganda in the newspapers, on television and on th web. Politicians and economists obscure the capitalist roots of economic crisis and falsely predict a better future after a painful period of "adjustment." Political leaders tell workers that they need to make concessions to their exploiters instead of fighting back.

Even worse, many so-called socialists confuse workers by talking about myths such as "structural reforms" or by raising false hopes that workers can force the political state to solve the problems of unemployment and poverty. Such notions can only help convince workers that they have a future under capitalism and that capitalism is, at this late date, somehow capable of being reformed.

In truth, ending the effects of capitalism requires ending their cause -- the capitalist system.

As socialists become involved in workers' daily struggles, they must try to bridge the gap between the establishment of socialism and the present consciousness of the working class. It is important that workers come to recognise that there is an alternative to capitalism. For the sooner the working class realises that the misery imposed by capitalism need not be endured, the sooner will workers turn to socialism.

Yet even the most thoroughgoing class consciousness by itself is not enough for revolution. Above all else, organisation is required. Workers already hold in their collective hands the potential power capable of restructuring society. Workers need to transform that potential power into the active force - revolutionary organisation - that is needed to establish socialism.

On the political field, workers need to form a mass revolutionary socialist party to challenge and defeat the political state for the purpose of dismantling it. That will clear the way for the workers' organisation on the economic field to administer the classless socialist society by ousting the capitalist class from the seat of its economic power and by taking, holding and operating the economy in workers' interests.

Socialist revolution is a complex process. It will not occur overnight nor as the result of a heroic act of will. It is the result of the interaction of economic crisis, class consciousness and working-class organisation.

Capitalism can be counted on to produce economic crises. However, economic crisis is not a sufficient condition of revolution. Even if the economy should utterly collapse, the result would not necessarily be socialism. For in the absence of revolutionary working-class organization, the ruling class would readily impose its own totalitarian alternative. Yet economic crisis produces discontent,  social unrest and the objective need for change that provide opportunities for effective socialist agitation and education, for raising class consciousness and for creating the working-class organization required for a victorious ending of the class struggle.

It is up to us, the working class. Capitalism won't vanish. It must be overthrown.

The Independence Referendum

The Executive Committee of the Socialist Party on the 2nd August adopted the following as a statement on the Scottish Breakaway Referendum on 18 September:

Most of us don’t own a single square inch of Scotland.

It doesn’t belong to us: we just live here and work for the people who do own it. In or out of the Union, that won’t change.

In Scotland, society is run in the interests of those who own the wealth. They argue among each other over billions of barrels of oil, GDP rates, profits and exports, because where the borders lie matters to them. Every border is an opportunity to wring cash out of other property owners. Scotland will remain dependent upon their whims and interests whatever the outcome of the referendum.

They’ll try to sway us one way or another with crumbs (or the promises of crumbs) but we’ll only get what they feel they can spare to protect their privilege and wealth. We will remain dependent upon their investments making a profit for them before we can get our needs and interests seen to

The only way to stop this dependency would be for us to take ownership and control of the wealth of the world into our own hands. We could, together, use the wealth of the world to meet our mutual needs and grant the true independence of being able to control our work and our lives in free and voluntary association of equals.

Though the outcome of this referendum is irrelevant, it is an opportunity for us to tell our fellow workers that this is what we want. We don’t have to suffer in silence, we can go to the ballot stations and write “NEITHER YES NOR NO BUT WORLD SOCIALISM” across the voting paper. Then, join The Socialist Party to fight for an independent world."

WHAT IS SOCIALISM?

The great are only great because we are on our knees. Let us rise!

In these turbulent times people are more and more beginning to discuss alternative, more rational, saner ways of living. Throughout the world people have been coming together calling for change – calls that are maybe vague and  undefined, but heartfelt in sincerity. A few years ago the Occupy Movement urged change and encouraged an exploration of new ways of organising society, hoping to establish an economic system with sharing and cooperation at its core. For change to be sustainable it needs to carry the support of the majority and the participation of the many.

Socialism is the collective ownership by all the people of the factories, mills, mines, railways, land and all other instruments of production and distribution. Socialism means production to satisfy human needs, not, as under capitalism, for sale and profit. Socialism means direct control and management of the industries and social services by the workers through democratic administration and economic organisation. Such a system would make possible the fullest democracy and freedom.

Socialism means a classless society. Unlike under capitalism, where a tiny minority owns the vast majority of wealth and the means of producing it, everyone would share equally in the ownership of all the means of production, and everyone able to do so would work. There wouldn't be separate classes of owners and workers. The economy would be administered by the workers themselves through industrially based, democratic "associations of free and equal producers," as Marx described it.

For individuals, socialism means an end to economic insecurity and exploitation. It means workers cease to be commodities bought and sold on the labor market and forced to work as appendages to tools owned by someone else. It means a chance to develop all individual capacities and potentials within a free community of free individuals. Socialism does not mean government or state ownership. It does not mean a state bureaucracy as in the former Soviet Union or China, with the working class oppressed by a new bureaucratic class. It does not mean a closed party-run system without democratic rights. It does not mean nationalisation, or regulatory boards, or state ownership of any kind. It means a complete end to all capitalist social relations. On the contrary, it would give power not to the state, but to the people themselves, allowing collective control of their own economic future. Far from being a state-controlled society, socialism would be a society WITHOUT A STATE. Marx once said that "the existence of the state is inseparable from the existence of slavery." Consonant with this truth, socialism would have a GOVERNMENT, but not a separate, coercive body standing above society itself -- a state. The people themselves, through the democratic associations of workers, would BE the government. In a socialist revolution, the industrially organized workers take possession of the means of production, abolish capitalist- class rule and supplant the state with an industrial government formed by "associations of free and equal producers." In the Bolshevik and Chinese revolutions, an elite "vanguard" party seized control of the state and used the state to control the means of production. Instead of establishing a classless society, the party-state bureaucracy became a new ruling class. Far from being a bureaucratically controlled system, socialism would bring democracy -- the rule of the people -- to the most vital part of our lives, the economy.

To win the struggle for socialist freedom requires enormous efforts of organisational and educational work. It requires building a political party of socialism to contest the power of the capitalist class on the political field and to educate the majority of workers about the need for socialism. As Engels once described it, socialism would be a system in "which every member of society will be enabled to participate not only in the production but also in the distribution of social wealth." A socialist political party is needed to educate the working class and to recruit workers to the socialist cause.

The workers collectively would decide what they want produced and how they want it produced. They would control their own workplaces and make the decisions governing their particular industry. With the abolition of the capitalist expropriation of the lion's share of workers' product, all workers would receive, directly or indirectly, the full value of the products they create, minus only the deductions needed to maintain and improve society's facilities of production and distribution. Socialism can only be built in a developed, industrialized society with a working-class majority. Though partly inspired by Marxism, the Bolshevik and Chinese revolutions weren't socialist in character. They occurred in pre-industrial societies. Without a majority working class and the ability to eliminate scarcity of needed goods and services, creation of a classless society was impossible. Material conditions there bred conflict and made the continuation of the class struggle inevitable in such countries.

In every plant, every office and every workplace in socialist society, the workers themselves will meet in democratic assembly to determine their own workplace policies and elect committees to administer and supervise production. To administer production at higher levels, the workers will also elect representatives to local and national councils of their respective industry, and to a central congress representing all the industries and services. This all-industry congress will ascertain what goods and services are wanted and will determine the resources needed to supply them. It will draw up the necessary plans to carry out production and allocate the resources. The congress will also arrange a just distribution of the output with the workers receiving the full social equivalent of the labor they contributed. All persons elected to posts in this economic administration, at whatever level, will be subject to rank-and-file control, and to removal whenever a majority of those who elected them find it desirable. Instead of economic despotism, socialism means economic democracy. Instead of production for sale and the profit of a few, socialism means production to satisfy the human needs and wants of all.

Socialism will allow for us to carry on production for use in the most modern production laboratories we can possibly create, utilizing the safest and most productive methods. The more we collectively produce, the more we shall collectively enjoy. All of us will be useful producers, working but a fraction of the time we are forced to work today. But we shall not only be useful producers, we shall all share equitably in the wealth we produce, and our compensation will literally dwarf anything we can imagine today.

In socialist society there will be neither involuntary unemployment nor poverty. The young will be educated not only to prepare them to participate in social production but also to enable them to expand their interests and develop their individual interests and talents. The aged will be cared for, and not by any such demeaning methods as are used today. We shall provide all their material needs and create a social atmosphere in which they can live lives that are culturally and intellectually satisfying. It will not be charity, but their rightful share as former contributors to production.

Under capitalism, improved methods and machinery of production kick workers out of jobs. Under socialism, such improvements will be blessings for the simple reason that they will increase the amount of wealth producible and make possible ever higher standards of living, while providing us with greater and greater leisure in which to enjoy them.

In socialism, we shall produce everything we need and want in abundance under conditions best suited to our welfare, aiming for the highest quality. We shall constantly strive to improve our methods and equipment in order to reduce the hours of work. We shall provide ourselves with the best of everything: the finest educational facilities, the most modern and scientific health facilities and adequate and varied recreational facilities. We shall constantly seek to improve our socialist society. Purposeful research, expansion of the arts and culture, preservation and replacement of our natural resources, all will receive the most serious attention. It will be a society in which everyone will have the fullest opportunity to develop his or her individuality without sacrificing the blessings of cooperation.

Freed from the compulsions of competition and the profit motive that presently throw capitalist nations into war, socialism will also be a society of peace. In short, socialist society will be a society of secure human beings, living in peace, in harmony and human brotherhood.

This all may sound too good to be true. Yet the world has the productive capacity to provide a high standard of living for all, to provide security and comfort for all, to create safe workplaces and clean industries, and to help other nations reach these same goals. The only thing keeping us from reaching these goals is that the workers don't own and control that productive capacity; it is owned and controlled by a few who use it solely to profit themselves. Organising to bring the industries under the ownership of all the people, to build a socialist society of peace, plenty and freedom, is the only real alternative workers have.

The capitalist economic system lies at the root of all of modern society's major social and economic problems. Socialism was born in response to the grave social problems generated by capitalism's uses of technology. Socialism grew out of the disruption of society capitalism caused. It was the pitiless and inhumane uses to which capitalism put the technology at its disposal to exploit human labor that made the socialist movement necessary. Socialism is not an idea that fell from the skies, but a natural response to the material conditions and social relations that took shape as the capitalist system of production developed.

At the same time, however, the socialist movement has always recognized the tremendous material possibilities technological advances offer for eliminating the poverty, misery and suffering it has engendered -- not of its own accord, but as a direct result of the capitalist system of private ownership of the productive forces created by human labor and ingenuity. The whole purpose of the socialist movement, therefore, is to solve the grave social problems resulting from the march of technology monopolised by a numerically insignificant capitalist class so that the magnificent possibilities modern advances in technology hold out may benefit all of humanity. Accordingly, the socialist movement also sees in so-called post-industrial technology the productive instrument for the attainment of its goal.
Whatever good there is in modern methods of production, whatever their potential for making the world a better place, for eliminating arduous toil, hunger and poverty, that potential is wiped out by a single, dominating fact. The one fact that overwhelms and nullifies the promise of all progress is private ownership of the means of production and distribution.

Socialists don't deny that the world is changing. They were the first to point out that capitalism cannot exist without constantly revolutionising the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society. But the nature, pace and purpose of such changes are not determined by society: they are governed by the whims and needs of that tiny minority that owns and controls the means of producing and distributing wealth. That is one of the two constants in capitalist society, no matter how many changes come along. The other is that the majority -- the working class -- has no say in the process. Capitalists hire and fire to suit their needs. As long as that division exists class divisions will continue. As long as class divisions continue the class struggle will exist.

The Usual Situation

The Canadian Federation of Independent Business (CFIB) is foaming at the mouth at Ontario Premier Wynn's proposal for the Ontario Retirement Pension Plan (ORPP). They object that the plan, in which workers and employers would each contribute 1.9% of their annual earnings up to $90,000, would cut into profits of small businesses, forcing some into bankruptcy. It would also cut into take-home pay of workers so everybody loses something – the usual situation under capitalism. John Ayers.

Service Lost Company Gain

It is clear that Canada Post is intent on stopping deliveries directly to homes and will deliver to community mailboxes instead. (Another service lost). However, some businesses will receive delivery – need we expect anything different? The company says email is taking over from letters yet online shopping leads to an increase in parcel delivery. The bottom line is that 8,000 people will lose their jobs from a company reporting huge profits. Profits before people yet again. John Ayers.

Poverty In The USA

The USA is the most developed capitalist country in the world yet recent figures released by the 2012 Census Data on Poverty reveal startling information about the plight of the poor in that country. 'US poverty (less than $19,090 for a family of three): 46.5 million people, 15 per cent. Children in poverty: 16.4 million, 23 per cent of all children, including 39.6 per cent of African-American children and 33.7 per cent of Latino children. Children are the poorest age group in the US. Deep poverty (less than $11,510 for a family of four): 20.4 million people, 1 in 15 Americans, including 7.1 million children.' (Moyes & Co, 24 July) These figures have been published by Greg Kaufmann, Senior Fellow with the Center for American Progress and the former poverty correspondent for The Nation. RD

Educate, Agitate, Organise

The class struggle does not have to exist. The organisation of society could take on a different form, without any class antagonisms. There is no reason for fighting. The fundamental obstacle we face is the capitalist system. Everything that is not of commercial use, or does not serve to facilitate the existence and perpetuation of capitalist power, does not interest the ruling class. Socialism is not a continual fighting with the boss. A socialist community, a co-operative commonwealth, needs socialists for its realisation. The idea of a socialist future has to be re-launched. Socialism is the organisation of production by people who work and are in charge of work.

“To escape its wretched lot,” wrote Bakunin (‘God, and the State,’), “the populace has three ways, two imaginary and one real. The two first are drink and the church, the third is the social revolution.” 

Bakunin spent a large part of his life in premature attempts to “make” revolutions but, in old age,he had glimpses of a sounder method, the educational. The people would make the revolution, but to help on the birth of the revolution we must “first spread among the masses thoughts that correspond to the instincts of the masses.” He asks, in the ‘Memoir of the Jurassic Federation’:
 “What keeps, the salvation-bringing thought from going through the labouring masses with a rush? Their ignorance, and particularly the political and religious prejudices which, thanks to the exertions of the ruling classes, to this day obscure the labourer’s natural thought and healthy feelings .... Hence we must aim at making the worker completely conscious of what he wants and evoking in him the thought that corresponds to his impulses. If once the thoughts of the labouring masses have mounted to the level of their impulses, then will their will be soon determined and their power irresistible.”

 In other words what is required is socialist education. Capitalism does not survive as a social system by its own strength, but by its influence over the workers. The socialist movement will not advance again significantly until it regains the initiative and takes the offensive against capitalism. It requires a clean break with all the perversions and distortions of the real meaning of socialism and a return to the original formulations and definitions, an authentic socialist movement, as it was previously conceived. We have to go back to what socialism is and what it is not. All our socialist pioneers defined socialism as a classless society—with abundance, freedom and equality for all; a society in which there would be no state, not even the mis-named “workers’ state”. Nothing short of this will do. Present day socialists can improve very little on the classic statement of the Communist Manifesto:
“All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority.”

The Communist Manifesto linked socialism and democracy together as end and means. Marx and Engels also later stated that:
 “The emancipation of the working class is the task of the workers themselves" 

This is just another way of saying that the socialist reorganisation of society requires a workers’ revolution. and such a revolution is unthinkable without the active participation of the majority of the working class, which is itself the big majority of the population.

 Capitalism, under any kind of government is a system of minority rule, and the principal beneficiaries of capitalist democracy are the small minority of exploiting capitalists. Workers have a right to vote. They can exercise the right of free speech and free press. To be sure, this formal right of free speech and free press is outweighed rather heavily by the inconvenient circumstance that the small capitalist minority happens to enjoy a complete monopoly of ownership and control of all the big presses, and of television and radio, and of all other means of media. But outside of all these and other difficulties and restrictions,  a little democracy is better than none. We socialists have never denied that. Throughout the century-long history of our movement, socialists have defended bourgeois democratic rights, limited as they were; and have used them for the education and organisation of the workers in the struggle to establish full democracy by abolishing the capitalist rule altogether.

We are not a party like other parties. The Socialist Party values every democratic provision for the protection of human rights and human dignity and is committed to fight for more democracy, not less. The socialist task is to expand it and make it more complete. The Industrial Workers of the World defined socialism as “industrial democracy”, the extension of democracy to industry, the democratic control of industry by the workers themselves, with private ownership eliminated. The fight for workers’ democracy is inseparable from the fight for socialism, and is the condition for its victory. Socialist Party members, as workers ourselves, toil side by side with the workers on day-to-day problems, and stand against whoever and whatever will lessen the confidence of the working class in itself and in its own independent action.

The special conditions that made possible the 'golden age' of  capitalist ‘prosperity’ in the 1950s and 1960s have disappeared, forever a thing of the past. The disillusionment with old party politics has provided openings for new forms of struggle and the formation of new political identities. The significance is the prospects of a socialist renewal which speaks in terms of  ‘human emancipation’.  A socialist society does not aim at giving workers higher pay and a decent living wage for all. It does not aim at making the working day six hours or four hours, or giving the worker six weeks paid holidays instead of two. What socialists aims at above all is to get rid of the wearisome, dull, grinding labour day after day, year after year, crushing the humane personality, with no prospect of developing the human interests, needs and capacities of man as a human being with aspirations to live and develop a fully human life.

An allegiance to shared ideas and ideals unites the Socialist Party but we haven’t found a smooth road towards socialism as yet. What we need are new styles of work as socialists: new methods of organisation: new forms of socialist agitation; but how and in what ways the old techniques and organisational forms can be supplanted are not easy questions to answer. The likelihood of achieving socialism in the next two or three decades is remote; and many of us will have to accept that the fundamental changes we are working for will not come about in our lifetime. Nevertheless, we retain an unshakable confidence in the socialist future of humanity. The crucial question is the extent to which socialist consciousness can be created. What we need are new styles of work as socialists: new methods of organisation: new forms of socialist agitation; but how and in what ways the old techniques and organisational forms can be supplanted are not easy questions to answer. No one at this stage can offer a blue-print. It will be an exploration in practice. Workers will do what they see it is necessary for them to do. The Socialist Party bases its view of the future of society upon workers’ independent action, because such action will alter the material circumstances of life to such a degree that life and the labour process itself will assume a new purpose and will venture into new spheres and possibilities, working them out by trial and error as men have always done. The short-sighted babble about high wages, unemployment pay, pensions. A few intellectuals even pontificate about the nature of work, but they cannot see that this is a problem which only workers themselves can settle. It is a practical problem for practical people, who are not given to writing books. Marx's writings cannot be treated as Holy Scripture. (To do so is a gross insult to a thinker whose motto for his own work was "Doubt everything.")  Marx analysed the capitalist society he lived in and projected his vision of  socialism from the clues he found in capitalist society. He refused to engage in any elaborate pictures of the socialist future but kept to a minimum outline. New breakthroughs have to await the new experiences of revolutionary workers' societies.

“All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses his real conditions of life, and his relations with his kind.” (Communist Manifesto)

Now is the time for Revolution

People want answers. More than ever before, people are questioning the ability of the capitalist system to provide even the most basic necessities of life. The question being asked by more and more is “Where am I going to find work?” or “How long is this job going to last?” The working class of the world have many problems, struggles and tasks in common. The ruling classes are stealing our labour power and robbing us of the fruits of our labour.

People increasingly realise that their children won’t live as well (and even in some cases, for as long) as they have. That part of the capitalist dream is gone forever. College education, the road out of the working class, is no longer the route to upward mobility. Today there is a whole stratum of jobless who will be permanently unemployed and who will never hold a productive job under capitalism. If they find another job it will not be comparable in pay, conditions or stability. While the capitalist system has created more long-term unemployment and driving more and more workers into its ranks, the capitalists are ruthlessly cutting off the benefits that sustain them. Under the guise of welfare reform and “getting the scroungers back to work ” the government departments are pruning people from eligibility. The implication is clear, jobless workers have to face the possibility of watching their families go hungry. Capitalism tears at and destroys the social fabric in which we live. The deepest and most extensive economic crisis is changing the very lives we lead, how we think and how we act.

In the process of capital accumulation by the capitalists, wealth is constantly accumulated at one end and poverty is accumulated at the other. “This is an absolute and general law of capitalist accumulation.” Marx said. The capitalist are taking bigger and bigger slices of the pie and workers were left to divide up a shrinking percentage of it. The illusory prosperity of the was built on a foundation of sand with the tremendous growth of consumer credit of all kinds. While giving the American people the illusion of owning their house and car, in reality it represented growing absolute impoverishment as debt mounted on debt. The capitalists cannot allow the credit boom to continue. Debt accelerates far ahead of the ability to repay it, leading toward a financial crisis. Since the banks and other creditors have also borrowed heavily to expand their lending and stimulate the economy, when they do not get paid a chain of defaults can ensue. Thus a credit squeeze brought the financial system to the brink of collapse. The consequences changed not only people’s lives, but the dreams they had for their children’s future. To list its effects on our lives is indeed to catalogue the living hell that is capitalism today.

The working class will never be able to launch a determined struggle for the overthrow of capitalism, and to establish a new, socialist society, without participating in all the important protest movements in society at large, i.e., outside the work places, opposing militarism and war, sexism and racism, police-state surveillance, pollution and waste, etc. all produce huge reservoirs of resentment and bitterness among the workers. The socialist revolution itself will be the outcome of the combination of all those important streams of discontent of all the oppressed: their merger into a raging torrent, a tidal wave of opposition.

Clearly, of course, the key question is not simply workers' participation, but precisely what kind of participation. Large-scale participation of the workers, not only just as marchers on demonstrations but organised as a class that is putting forward its own conscious revolutionary goals. Every new wave of workers and activists has to learn the lessons of struggle in their own way. But the work can go faster or slower. Without education and knowledge, the movement of the future will be left to the agony of learning everything from scratch, and it will suffer the pain of having to repeat again and again all sorts of avoidable mistakes. It will inherit nothing from the past but a mass of mistakes. Socialists want the working class to struggle and organise whereas the reformist Left don't want the working class to have its own voice, for this would spell the beginning of the end for them. They seek to keep the workers politically enslaved. They don't want truly mass working class participation in the political movement, because the workers would tend to go out of their control.

The struggle in which we are engaged today is a struggle of classes. The supremacy is now held by the capitalist class, who control the powers of government. The principle of all existing governments is continuity of the status quo. In this there is absolutely no difference between the parties. Continuity means the continuance of capitalism and of the traditional policy of capitalism in its essential features, notwithstanding minor modifications of detail.  Parties but express in political terms the economic interests of those who compose them. There is no fundamental difference between the Labour and Tory parties. Their principles are identical. They are both capitalist parties and both stand for the capitalist system, and such differences as there are between them involve no principle. These are the same, a capitalist party, by whatever name it may be known.Both reek with corruption in their servility to the capitalist class, and both are torn asunder in the mad scramble for the spoils of office. These parties have been in power all these years, why have they not ever fulfilled their platform pledges? These parties already have had the power to make good their promises. How many more years of power do they require to demonstrate that they are the parties of the capitalist class and that they never intend to legislate in the interest of the working class, or provide relief for the suffering people. Their policy speeches are filled with empty platitudes and meaningless phrases but they are discreetly silent about every vital question which is worthy of consideration by any intelligent person. They are without principles and without ideals.

The Socialist Party is the only party which honestly represents the interests of the working class.  It stands for the absolute overthrow of the existing capitalist system and for the reorganisation of society into an industrial and social democracy. The Socialist Party is the party of human emancipation, standing for a world-wide democracy, for the freedom of every man, woman and child, and for the welfare of the planet.

The Socialist Party is party of which the elected spokes-persons will remain the servants – not become the masters. People don’t want politicians impressed by the rigmarole of parliamentary procedure or awe-struck by the medieval pomp and pageantry to way-lay the unwary. We need men and women who will not waste time and energy chasing after the unattainable mirage of reforming capitalism out of existence or in trying to “make it work better.”  We need delegates who will use their position to challenge the fundamental social, economic and political basis of capitalist society and expose the condition of hunger, misery and war that are bred by it – one who will advance the fight for socialism. Our goal is socialism – everything we propose or do will be in the direction of that objective.

The abolition of the state is no empty slogan. It is an integral part of the social revolution. All socialists understand that once the aim of the proletarian movement, the abolition of classes, has been achieved, the state  disappears and its governmental functions are transformed into simple administrative functions, losing its political character, that is, its repressive and coercive elements, and becoming the administration of things, watching over the true interests of society.

Armed struggle is no answer. Not only would armed insurrection provoke a military response a hundred times more violent, it would also give the ruling class of this country the pretext and opportunity to drop the mask of democracy and adopt on the political field the despotism that prevails in capitalist industry. Armed insurrection is an open invitation to an authoritarian dictatorship.

A revolution means a complete change, and it need not be accompanied by violence. For a successful revolution there most be a constructive phase when new institutions are established to replace those that are dismantled. In an age of great technological and economic complexity such as the present one, when prolonged economic paralysis can have devastating consequences to great masses of people, especially to the masses crowded into the great urban centers, this constructive phase of the revolution must be carefully planned and prepared for.

A great social historian, Henry Thomas Buckle, has succinctly summed up the difference between insurrection and revolution. "Insurrections," he wrote over a 100 years ago, "are generally wrong; revolutions are always right. An insurrection is too often the mad and passionate effort of ignorant persons who are impatient under some immediate injury, and never stop to investigate its remote and general causes. But a revolution ... is a splendid and imposing spectacle, because to the moral quality of indignation produced by the presence of evil, it adds the intellectual qualities of foresight and combination; and uniting in the same act some of the highest properties of our nature it achieves a double purpose, not only punishing the oppressor but also relieving the oppressed." 

With all the sympathy that it is possible for a humane mankind to summon for the suffering, anguish and despair of the victims of capitalism, with enlightened understanding of their anger and bitterness and complete agreement that their anger and bitterness are justified, the Socialist Party nevertheless urges all who are inclined to listen to the advocates of violence to reflect, and to reflect soberly. No one should doubt that such a nationwide insurrection as often proposed by political opportunists and adventurers would cause enormous damage and bloodshed.