Now is the time for socialism

For as long as anyone can remember, the ruling class have been promising  “peace with prosperity,” while they have subjected millions around the world to agony and waged wars of plunder from one end of the globe to another. But today their whole system of legalised robbery are once again caught in a desperate and deepening economic and political crisis which is fast approaching the point of world-wide explosion. And now they demand of the world’s workers that we accept even more and greater hardship and misery in order to perpetuate this system. There is no return to the ‘happy days’ of the past or any other  prospect other than continued suffering and sacrifice, enslavement in one form or another and unparalleled destruction of the environment. This is the future for the people so long, and only so long, as the slaves of each country remain unquestioningly loyal and blindly obedient to their masters and set their sights and their aspirations no higher than the miserable horizons imposed by the ruling classes and the capitalist system. There is another path - a path not backward but forward – the path of resistance against and ultimately the overthrow of our oppressors. Revolution is the only means people can break free of the chains of exploitation and degradation.  The only path to real freedom and the only war worth fighting is the class war against the ruling class. The future must be wrested from the hands of those who, at the cost of unspeakable misery and destruction for the people of the world, are determined to preserve – and chain humanity to – the past.

So long as society is divided into classes, in whatever form, the economics and politics as well as the ideas, culture, etc. of society will be dominated by one class or another – they cannot serve all classes, exploiter and exploited, oppressor and oppressed, master and slave, equally. Capitalism has laid the basis for an unprecedented development of society, without scarcity and without therefore the basis for antagonistic social conflict. But capitalism itself has become the very force that stands in the way of the realisation of this potential, and the longer capitalism prolongs its existence the deeper become the antagonisms within it. The capitalist class made possible for the first time a thoroughly scientific view of society and the world, the recognition of class struggle as the motive force of society’s development and of the ultimate outcome of that class struggle – the achievement of classless society.

Capitalism has outlived its progressive role and its gigantic increase of productive power cannot be fully used under capitalist conditions. The interests of the capitalists and of the working class are irreconcilable. Exploitation and recurrent crises of the capitalist mode of production oppress the working class and working people in a thousand different ways. The continual attacks of the capitalists on working people meet resistance in fierce and bitter economic class struggles. This resistance limits the extent to which the capitalists can increase the rate of exploitation.  Capital must accumulate in order to survive. It grows by keeping for itself the surplus value produced by workers after they have reproduced the value of their labour power, their wages. Surplus value is the source of all profit. The unending search for surplus value, for profit, is the motive force of capitalist production. Capitalism can produce only for profit. It is forced constantly to seek new ways to achieve the maximum rate of profit. Competition between rival capitals (which still persists in modified form in the monopoly stage of capitalism) ensures the destruction of all capitals which do not conform to the blind laws of capitalist production.

The capitalists cut their costs of production mainly by stepping up their already vicious exploitation of the working class. They cut their wage bills by reducing wages and sacking workers. They also make the remaining workers work longer hours and they increase the intensity of labour. capitalists also reduce their wage bill by buying more advanced machinery in order to produce the same goods with less labour.

The cut-throat competition between capitalists, particularly at times of crisis, means that eventually factories using outdated machinery will inevitably be closed down unless the owners can make a profit by installing new machinery, and have the capital to do so. In many cases they cannot. And so repeatedly the capitalists are forced by the laws of capitalist production to destroy the means of production on a massive scale and make thousands of workers unemployed.

In its restless search for maximum profits, spurred on by ruthless competition, each capitalist company is bound to attempt to increase its productive strength to the full. Yet this continually increasing capacity to produce goods inevitably and repeatedly comes up with a jolt against the restricted purchasing power of the workers to buy these goods. Goods pile up unsold, factories run well below capacity or go bankrupt. These are crises of overproduction, cyclical crises of capitalism, which are now occurring with increasing frequency and without full recovery of production after each crisis.

Especially at times of crisis the capitalists tell us to tighten our belts and toil harder for them, “in the national interest”. They try to increase exploitation so as to get the huge profit needed to start capital expanding again. Competition among the capitalists to minimise losses is very fierce. In this battle the winners as well as the losers lay workers off and further reduce living standards. Inflation and unemployment are the two main ways the capitalists at present are trying to offload their acute crisis onto the backs of the working class.

 The socialist revolution simplifies all social relationships and gives them a purpose, at the same time providing each citizen with the real possibility of participating directly in the discussion and decision of all social matters, replacing the present mastery of the product over the producer by that of the producer over the product. This direct participation of citizens in the management of all social matters presupposes the abolition of the modern system of political representation and its replacement by direct popular legislation. Against the collective power of the propertied classes the working class cannot act, as a class, except by constituting itself into a political party, distinct from, and opposed to, all old parties formed by the propertied classes. That this constitution of the working class into a political party is indispensable in order to ensure the triumph of the social revolution and its ultimate end — the abolition of classes;

The economic emancipation of the working class will be achieved only by the transfer to collective ownership by the working people of all means and products of production and the organisation of all the functions of social and economic life in accordance with the requirements of society. The modern development of technology not only provides the material possibility for such an organisation but makes it necessary and inevitable for solving the contradictions which hinder the quiet and all-round development of those societies.

Eliminating the class struggle by destroying the classes themselves; making the economic struggle of individuals impossible and unnecessary by abolishing commodity production and the competition connected with it; putting an end to the struggle for existence between individuals, classes and whole societies, it renders unnecessary all those social organs which have developed as the weapons of that struggle during the many centuries it has been proceeding.

Without falling into utopian blueprints about the social organisation of the future, we can now foretell the abolition of the state, as a political organisation opposed to society and safeguarding mainly the interests of its ruling section. In exactly the same way we can already now foresee the international character of the impending economic revolution. The contemporary development of international exchange of products necessitates the participation of all in this revolution.

That is why the socialist parties in all countries acknowledge the international character of the present-day working-class movement and proclaim the principle of international solidarity.

Socialism is the issue (4/4)

PART FOUR (concluding)

For time immemorial,  those who have built the houses, cultivated the fields, raised the crops, spun the wool, woven the cloth, supplied the food we eat and the clothes we wear, and furnished the homes we live in, have been the poor and despised, while those who profited by their labour and consumed the good things they produced, have been the rich and respectable.

Socialism will mean the beginning of a new era of civilisation and the dawn of a happier day for mankind. It will mean that this Earth is for all  those who inhabit it and wealth for those who produce it. It will mean society organised upon a co-operative basis, owning in common the sources of wealth and the means of production, and producing wealth to satisfy human wants and not to gorge the insatiable appetites of the privileged few. It will mean that there shall be leisure for the workers and that all shall enjoy it.

A privately owned world can never be a free world. Such a world is a world of strife and hate and such a society can exist only by means of coercion and physical force. There has never been “Peace on earth and goodwill toward men;” and we shall have to go forward and not backward to realise that ideal.

When shall peace come to earth? Capitalism makes war inevitable. Capitalist nations not only exploit their workers but ruthlessly invade, plunder, and ravage one another. The profit system is responsible for it all. Abolish that, establish a social democracy, produce for use, and the incentive to war vanishes. Until then men may talk about “Peace on earth” but it will be a myth. Let us show the people the true cause of war. Let us arouse a sentiment against war. Let us teach the children to abhor war. We are socialists, world socialists, and we have no use, not one bit, for capitalist wars. We have no enemies among the workers of other countries; and no friends among the capitalists of any country; the workers of all countries are our friends and the capitalists of all countries are our enemies.The class war is our war and our only war. We have no interest in national wars for ruling class conquest and plunder. In all these wars the workers are slaughtered while their masters grow fat on the spoils of conquest. The time has come for the workers to cease fighting the battle of their masters and to fight their own; to cease being slaughtered like cattle for the profit of the ruling class and to line up in the class struggle regardless of race or nationality for the overthrow of class rule and for the emancipation of their class and humanity These are our principles and convictions as  revolutionary socialists. Would or patriotic critics have us believe for one moment that Wall Street and City of London is recruiting to fight for freedom, justice and humanity? These arch-enemies of democracy, these plunderers of the people, these corrupt ruthless exploiters of the working class, these are our enemies and the enemies of our people, and it is a a mockery,  to attempt to persuade the working class that these, their brutal, relentless, uncompromising enemies, are their friends. The oligarchy’s purpose is to enlarge their domains, to increase their power, their prestige and their wealth and they do not shy away from waging war upon one another. But the the the the industrial barons do not go to war themselves.  The feudal lords of the Middle Ages, the economic predecessors of the capitalists of our day, declared all the wars and their miserable serfs fought all the battles. The poor, ignorant serfs had been taught to revere their social betters; to believe that when their masters declared war upon one another, it was their loyal obligation to fall upon one another and to cut one another’s throats for the profit and glory of the aristocracy who held them in contempt. And that is war in a nutshell. The master class has always declared the wars and  the subject class has always fought the battles. The ruling class has had all to gain and nothing to lose, while the subjugated class has had nothing to gain and all to lose - particularly their lives. The rulers of every land  have always taught and trained you to believe it to be your patriotic duty to go to war and to have yourselves slaughtered at their command. But in all the history of the world you, the people, have never had a voice in declaring war, and strange as it certainly appears, no war by any nation in any age has ever been declared by the people. It is the working class who fight all the battles, the working class who make the supreme sacrifices, the working class who freely shed their blood and furnish the corpses, have never yet had a voice in either declaring war or making peace. It is the ruling class that invariably does both. They alone declare war and they alone make peace.
“Yours not to reason why; 
Yours but to do and die.”

The Socialist Party since its founding has stood opposed to having its members and our fellow workers slaughtered in capitalist wars.

 Every wealth producer, every wage worker, ought to be in revolt against the system that robs  him, and, if he was, the capitalist system would  not last overnight. The reason the workers of this  and every other nation on earth are not in open  revolt against the system that robs them is that the beneficiaries of capitalism control every avenue of information and education from the cradle to the grave. Every child is a potential revolutionist. All the institutions of capitalism, including  the state, the church, the press, the schools, and even the centres of amusement, conspire to poison  the receptive mind of the children. Just so long as the capitalist class control the education of the masses, so they will despise them as beasts of burden. We need to grow out of the selfish, sordid, brutal spirit of individualism which still lurks even in socialists and is responsible for the strife and contention which prevail where there should be concord and good will.

Socialism is the issue. There is no other. Proclaim it everywhere! Socialism or capitalism! Freedom or slavery? Which? That is the issue and the only issue. The working class may be robbed, trampled upon, crushed, broken, clubbed, imprisoned, and shot but its march continues. The mercenaries of the ruling class can not turn back the progress of the working class of the world. The very defeats promotes solidarity, and will insure ultimate triumph. The class struggle against the class-ruled society is as wide as the domain of capitalism, and as deep-rooted as the exploitation of the working class. Labour and capital are locked in an international conflict that rocks the globe. Economic freedom will elevate humanity to a higher plane than it has ever known. Wealth and leisure for all is now possible for the first time in the history of the human
race. We are fit for better than slavery and cannon fodder. You need to understand that you were not created to enrich an idle exploiter and impoverish yourself in the process. You need to know that you have a mind to improve and develop. You need to know that you are at he door-way of a great new world. You need to get in touch with fellow workers and to become conscious of your interests, your powers and your possibilities as a class. You need to know that you belong to the great majority of mankind. You need to know that as you remain indifferent, as long as you are apathetic, unorganised , you will remain exactly where you are. You will be exploited; you will be degraded, and you will be a beast of burden. You will get just enough to keep you in working order, and you will be looked down upon with scorn and contempt by the very parasites that live off your sweat and unpaid labour.

The planet has vast areas of the richest and most fertile soil, material resources in inexhaustible abundance, the most incredible productive machinery, and millions of eager, skilled workers ready to apply their labour to that machinery to produce for every man, woman, and child. And if there are still vast numbers of our people who are the victims of poverty and whose lives are an unceasing struggle all the way from youth to old age, until at last death comes to their rescue and lulls these hapless victims to dreamless sleep, it is not the fault of Nature, but it is due entirely to the outgrown social system in which we live that ought to be abolished not only in the interest of the toiling masses but in the higher interest of all humanity.

 All things that are jointly needed and used ought to be jointly owned—that industry, the basis of our social life, instead of being the private property of a few and operated for their enrichment, ought to be the common property of all, democratically administered in the interest of all. We oppose a social order in which it is possible for one man who does absolutely nothing that is useful to amass a fortune of hundreds of millions of dollars, while millions of men and women who work all the days of their lives secure barely enough for a wretched existence. We shall have the universal commonwealth - the harmonious cooperation of every land on Earth.

Let us build! Let us build ourselves and one another by building our movement and our party.

Entrepreneurs or Money-Grubbers?

We were reminded about what the Olympics and other international competitions are really about by the article in The Toronto Star (Feb 15, 2014) entitled, "Canada's winners in the Personal Brand Olympics. It goes on to rank Canada's top prospects for advertising companies and corporations to reel in the greatest amount of money while NOT plying their specialties. The most telling part is the "great endorsement because" section. For Alex Bilodeau, for example, gold medal in moguls skiing competition, it says, " What athletes can do really well is also share a social message, which he does when he talks about the challenges of his brother (Frederic, who has cerebral palsy)…He definitely has proved his worth to corporate Canada in a number of ways". Please meet the money- grubbers and hangers-on of the capitalist world otherwise known as entrepreneurs. John Ayers

Socialism is the Issue (3/4)

PART THREE

You cannot make socialists by passing resolutions. Men have to become socialists by study and experience, and they are getting the experience every day. There is one fact, and a very important one and that is the necessity for revolutionary working class political action. What is a party? It is the expression politically of certain material class interests. You belong to that party that you believe will promote your material welfare.  Our interests as workers are identical.  If you support a party that opposes your interests it is because you do not have sufficient understanding to know your interests. The question of poverty, which is really the question of all humanity, will never be solved until it is solved by the working class. It will never be solved for you by the capitalists. It will never be solved for you by the politicians. It will remain unsolved until you yourselves solve it. As long as you are willing to stand these conditions, these conditions will continue; but when you unite across the globe, when you present a solid class-conscious mass, economically and politically, there is no power on this earth that can stand between you and complete emancipation. As isolated individuals we are helpless, but united we are an irresistible force.

We may, at times, temporarily better our condition within certain limitations, but we will still remain wage-slaves, and why wage-slaves? For just one reason and no other we have got to work. As long as the bosses owns the machinery and the tools, he owns our job, and if he owns our job, he controls our fate. We are in no sense free. We are subject to his interest and to his will. He decides whether we shall work or not. Thus, he can decide whether we shall live or die. We will never be free, we will never stand proudly erect  until we are in charge of production, and when we can freely work without recourse to any employer, and when we do work, all the community shares in what we produce. Will you insist that life shall continue as it is, where it is always a struggle for existence and one prolonged misery to which death often comes as a blessed relief?

You organise in unions to fight the exploiting class. It is along the same line that you have got to organise politically. Nature has provided a bountiful abundance. There is plenty for all, and any system of society that denies a single one the right and the opportunity to freely help him or herself to the necessities and luxuries of life is an iniquitous system that ought to be abolished.

The Socialist Party is not satisfied with things as they are, and no matter what government is in office, there will be no material change in the condition of the people until we have a new social system based upon the mutual economic interests of the people - until all of us collectively control and in common own those things that we need and use. There are  only a few things that cannot be produced in abundance. Nature has provided a full larder and is a treasure-mine of raw materials. Marvelous machinery can transform these raw materials into whatever we desire. Why should any man, woman or child suffer for the want of food, clothing or shelter?  Look at the great technology at our disposal, why should we permit any one individual to lay claim to this legacy of all humanity and demand tribute? Instead, why not jointly own the machines, and operate them co-operatively and share the products among ourselves. Farmers work all day long and hard enough to produce enough to live the quality of life fitting a man, not as of one of his animals, but of a human being.

We socialists propose that society with all its capacity to produce enough that all shall take according to needs and give according to abilities; that every man and every woman shall be economically free; that all have what is necessary to keep them in comfort and satisfy their requirements. We will reduce the working day and give every person a chance to develop their talents and indulge their pleasures.

The development  of industrial processes has rendered the capitalist a useless functionary while  at the same time evolved productive organisation co-operative in character, so that industry may be carried on without friction, for the benefit of the whole people instead of the profit of the individual capitalist. The control of industry will be delegated to men and women who are technically familiar with all its processes, similar as it is now entrusted to line managers by the shareholders of a corporation.  Actual details of the re-organisation may well be left to the future when the time comes. It is not the responsibility of the Socialist Party to speculate concerning the manner in which the workers will conduct their affairs when they have taken possession of their inheritance. Society will have a new birth and humanity a new destiny.

Workers have had their eyes opened in spite of themselves. They have been made to see what the present system means to them and to their children.  They see machinery that possess the potential to liberate but produces only misery and deprivation. They see millions idle and poverty-stricken all about them, while a few are glutted to levels of degeneracy. They see parasites in palaces and honest workers in hovels. They see the politics of the ruling corporations dripping with corruption. They see vice and crime eating away at society like a cancer. They see disease sapping the mental and physical vitality of people.

 ENOUGH IS ENOUGH! THERE MUST BE A CHANGE!

We are not a party who regard vote-getting as of supreme importance and of no matter by what method they are secured. The Socialist Party holds out no inducements and makes no representations which are not at all compatible with the principles of a revolutionary party. Other supposed socialists may seek to make their  propaganda so attractive by eliminating whatever may give offense so that it serves as a bait for votes rather than as a means of education, and votes thus gained in such fashion do not properly belong to the socialist movement and do injustice to our party,  as well as to those who cast them. These type of votes do not express a desire for socialism and in the next ensuing election are quite as apt to be turned against us and favour our enemies. It is better, in the first place, that they be not cast for the Socialist Party, as they register a degree of progress the party is not entitled to and indicating a political position the party is unable to sustain. Socialism can never genuinely grow by obtaining for it a fictitious vote. We seek only the actual vote of socialism, no more and no less. In our propaganda we state our principles clearly, and speak the truth, seeking neither to flatter nor to offend, but only to convince those who should be with us and win them to our cause through an intelligent understanding of its case.  We make it clear that the Socialist Party wants the votes only of those who want socialism, not for the sake of gaining political office to pass some palliative measures.

The working class character and the revolutionary integrity of the Socialist Party are a priority. The Socialist Party is organised and run from the bottom up. There is no leader and there never can be unless the party abandons its principles and ceases to be a socialist party. The education of the people, not the few alone, but the entire class,  in the principles of socialism can be performed only by themselves.

The Labour Party and the Conservative Party are in fact one. They both stand for capitalism, for the private ownership of the means of subsistence, for the exploitation of the workers, and for wage-slavery. Both of these old capitalist class party machines have become corrupt and are worse than useless. They now present a spectacle of political degeneracy rarely witnessed in this or any other country. Both are torn by dissension and rife with disintegration. Cameron and Milerand engage in a mad fight for the spoils of government and they exposed the whole game of capitalist class politics and reveal themselves and the whole brood of capitalist politicians in their true role before the people. They are all the mere puppets of the ruling class. They are literally bought, paid for and owned, body and soul, by the powers that are exploiting, enslaving and robbing the toiling class. What earthly difference can it make to the millions of workers whether the Tories or Labour are is in office? These two parties differ in name only. There is no depth of dishonour to which they have not descended. Their hypocrisy and corruption cannot be efficiently expressed in words. How can any intelligent, self-respecting wage-worker give support to either of these corrupt capitalist parties?

 Labour and the Tories are on the side of the corporations, the banks, the plutocrats, the parasites and job-hunters of all descriptions; the filth and the slime of the ruling class glorify their plundering. Professional politicians of whatever party are very much alike and serve the interests of their masters. Their noisy theatricals have lost their magic and now excite but the scorn and derision. No longer can the political harlots of capitalism betray the workers. Both the Tory and Labour parties reek with corruption in their servility to the wealthy. Their manifestoes are filled with empty platitudes and meaningless phrases, but they are discreetly silent about the millions of unemployed, about the starvation wages of factory slaves, about the bitter poverty and hopeless future of the poor, and about every other vital question which is worthy of a moment’s consideration by any caring person. They are impotent and senile capitalist parties, without principles and without ideals.

There is but one issue for the Socialist Party and it is the unconditional surrender and utter destruction of the whole capitalist class. To this end the Socialist Party has been organised; to this end it devotes all its energies and resources; to this end it makes its appeal to the workers. In the name of the workers, the Socialist Party condemns the capitalist system. In the name of freedom, it condemns wage-slavery. In the name of abundance, it condemns poverty and famine. In the name of peace it condemns war. In the name of civilisation, it condemns the slaughter of  children. In the name of enlightenment, it condemns religious ignorance and superstition. In the name of the future, it arraigns the past as a barrier to the future. In the name of humanity,  the Socialist Party demands social justice for every man, woman and child.

Now is the time for the workers to develop and assert their political and their economic power, to demonstrate their unity and solidarity. In the coming social order, based upon the social ownership of the means of life and the production of wealth for the use of all instead of the private profit of the few, for which the Socialist Party stands in this and every other campaign, peace will prevail and plenty for all will abound in the land. The brute struggle for existence will have ended, and the millions of exploited poor will be rescued from the clutches of poverty and famine. Sexual exploitation and human trafficking, fostered under the old system, will be a horror of the past. Every child will then have an equal chance to grow up in health and vigor of body and mind and an equal chance to rise to its full stature and achieve success in life. These are the ideals of the Socialist Party. The spirit of our time is revolutionary and growing more so every day. The signs of change confront us everywhere. The Socialist Party stands for social ownership and co-operation, against  industrial despotism and for industrial democracy. The workers who have made the world and who sustain  the world, are preparing to take possession of the world. This is the meaning of socialism and is what the Socialist Party stands for. We demand the machinery of production in the name of the workers and the control of society in the name of the people. We demand the abolition of capitalism and wage-slavery and the surrender of the capitalist class. We demand that all children born into the world shall have equal opportunity to grow up, to be educated, to have healthy bodies and trained minds, and to develop and freely express the best there is in them in mental, moral and physical achievement. The Socialist Party is the only party that has the children at heart. We demand complete control of industry by the workers; we demand all the wealth they produce for their own enjoyment, and we demand the Earth for all the people. Not the modest demands of the reformists but the necessary ones for a social revolution.

No Housing Problems Here

Many workers face trouble paying rent and mortgages on their homes but no such problems exist for these New York residents. It has been labelled "the world's most powerful address", the luxurious Manhattan tower block where Wall Street titans, foreign oligarchs, technology moguls and film and music stars live away from prying eyes. But a book has now revealed the secrets of 15 Central Park West, an imposing $1 billion tower block where the ultra-rich and famous enjoy commanding views of New York's famous green space. 'It is no surprise that the building is home to New York's most expensive apartment, a palatial $88 million penthouse. It was bought by a trust fund from the fortune of Dimtry Rybolovlev, a Russian fertiliser tycoon, for his 22-year daughter, but it is now at the centre of the world's most expensive divorce battle with his estranged wife, Elena. Apartments at 15 CPW currently on the market include a 6,000 sq ft unit owned by steel magnate Leroy Schecter. He initially listed the property for $95 million. It is now available for a snip - at just $65 million. (Daily Telegraph, 12 March) RD

Socialism Is The Issue (2/4)

PART TWO

The working class are learning. They are beginning to spell solidarity and to pronounce socialism. Our propaganda is one of education to teach workers to unite and vote together as a class in support of the Socialist Party, the party that represents them as a class. Organised labour does not lie down at the command of  Prime Ministers or Presidents.  No strike has even been lost, and there can be no defeat for the labour movement. No matter how disastrous the day of battle has been, it has been worth its price, and only the scars remain to bear testimony that the movement is invincible and that no mortal wound can be inflicted upon it. The union has from its inception taught, however imperfectly, the fundamental need of solidarity; it has inspired hope in the defeated and despairing worker. The union has fought the battles of the worker upon a thousand fields, and though defeated often, rallied again and again. The union was first to outline the lesson that the worker needs to learn, that only through the collective interest and welfare of his or her class and embracing our class as a whole is permanent change of conditions possible. Although only vaguely and imperfectly accomplished the union has promoted the class-conscious solidarity of the working-class.

Perhaps the trades-union movement has in some respects proved a disappointment, but it may not on this account be repudiated as a failure. The worst that be said of it is that it has not kept up with changing conditions and situations but there are reasons for this as most know. The trades-union movement of the present day has enemies bent upon destroying it or reducing it to impotency. Step by step the writ of legal injunction has invaded the domain of trades-unionism, limiting its influence, curtailing its powers, sapping its strength and undermining its foundations and this has been done by the courts in the name of justice but at the behest of the indusrrial oligarchs and financial plutocrats. Court orders have been issued restraining the trades-union  members from striking, from boycotting, from voting funds to strikes, from walking on the public highway, from gathering together in public spaces, from asking others not to scab and  from communicating with those who had taken or were about to take their jobs. In fact the law has been evoked hindering unions from doing anything and everything, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the employing class in their unalienable right to run things to suit themselves. The law have found in favour of the bosses, leaving the workers and their unions defenceless. The court system is under the control of employers, and so shamelessly  perverted it reveals the class character of our capitalist government and leads to the inevitable conclusion that the labour question is also a political question and that the working class must organise their political power to put an end to class rule forever.

The members of a trade-union should learn the true importance and discover the labour movement means  infinitely more than a paltry increase in wages and the strikes necessary to secure it; that while it engages to do all that possibly that can be done to better the working conditions of its members, its higher object must be to overthrow the capitalist system, abolish wage-slavery and achieve the freedom of the whole working class (and all mankind.)
The trade-unions, however, is not, and can not become, a political machine and nor can it be used for political purposes. The Socialist Party has no intention to convert the trades-union into a political party and would oppose any such attempt on the part of others. The important thing to impress upon the mind of trade unionists is to do their own thinking. Unions are an economic organisation with distinct economic functions and as such is a part, a necessary part, but a part only of the labour movement. It has its own sphere of activity, its own platform and is its own master within its economic limitations.

The socialist movement is its political side and  the Socialist Party expresses the political power of the labour movement. The class conscious worker uses both economic and political power in the interest of his or her class. The struggle between labour and capital is a class struggle; that the working class are in a great majority, but divided, some in trades-unions and some out of them, some in one political party and some in another; that because they are divided they are helpless and must submit to being robbed of what their labour produces; that they must unite their class in the trades-union on the one hand and in a socialist party on the other hand; that industrially and politically they must act together as a class against the capitalist class and that this struggle is a class struggle, and that any worker who deserts the union in a strike and goes to the other side is a scab, and any worker who deserts the Socialist Party on election day and goes over to the enemy is a traitor to their class. Capitalism can only rule by corrupt means and its politics are essentially the reflection of its debasing economic character. He who controls my bread controls my head.

The capitalists are far more thoroughly organised than the workers. In the first place, capitalists are comparatively few in number, while the workers number millions. Next, the capitalists are men of financial means and resources, and can buy the best brains and ability the market affords. Then again, they own the factories, the communications, the transport and retail stores and all the jobs that are attached to them, and this not only gives them tremendous advantage in the struggle, but makes them for the time the absolute masters of the situation. The workers, on the other hand, are poor as a rule but they are in an overwhelming majority. In a word, they have the power, but are not conscious of it. This then is the task of activists and militants; to make them conscious of the power of their class, or class-conscious workers.

The working class alone does all the work, has created and  produced the world’s wealth, constructed its roads, drives the trucks, laid its rails and operates its trains, spanned the rivers with bridges and tunnelled the mountains.  The working class alone - and by the working class we mean all useful workers, all who by the labour of their hands or the effort of their brains increase knowledge and add to the intellectual wealth of society - the working class alone is essential to society and therefore the only class that can survive in the world-wide struggle for freedom.

The Socialist Party is to the workers politically what the trades-union is to them industrially; the former is the party of their class, while the latter is the union of their trade or profession. The difference between them is that while the trades-union is confined to occupation, the Socialist Party embraces the entire working class, and while the union is limited to bettering conditions under the wage system for its members. The Socialist Party is organised to conquer the political power, wipe out the wage system. Trades-union and the Socialist Party, the economic and political wings of the labour movement, should not only not be in conflict, but act together, in harmony, in every struggle, whether it be on the one field or the other, in the strike or at the ballot box. The main thing is that in every such struggle the workers shall be united and be no more guilty of scabbing on their party than on their union, by voting a pro- capitalist on election day and turning the working class over to capitalist misrule. Would a worker ever think of voting in the union to turn it over to his employers and have it run in the interest of management?


To do its part in the class struggle the trade union need no more go into politics than the Socialist Party enter into the trade unions. Each has its place and its functions. The union deals with work issues and the Party deals with politics. Trade unionism is by no means the solution of the workers’ problem, nor is it the goal of the labour struggle. It is merely a line of defence within the capitalist system. Its existence and its struggles are necessitated only by the existence and predatory nature of capitalism. Until the workers shall become a clearly defined socialist movement, standing for and moving toward the unqualified co-operative commonwealth they will only play into the hands of their exploiters. The socialist must point this out in the right way. He is not to do this by seeking to commit trade-union bodies to the principles of socialism. Resolutions or commitments of this sort accomplish little good. Nor should socialists be  meddling with the details or the machinery of the trade-unions. Or trying to commit socialism to trade-unionism, and vice versa,  trade unionism to socialism. It is better to have the trade-unions do their separate distinctive work, as the workers’ defence against the encroachments of capitalism and  giving unqualified support and sympathy to the struggles of the organised workers to sustain them economically. But let the socialists also build up the character and strength of the socialist movement as a political force, that it shall command the respect and confidence of the worker, irrespective of union obligations.

 It is imperative we keep in mind the difference between the two so that neither shall handicap the other. The socialist movement, as a political development of the workers for their economic emancipation, is one thing; the trade-union development, as an economic defense of the workers within the capitalist system, is another thing. Let us not interfere with the internal affairs of the trade unions, or seek to have them become distinctively political bodies in themselves. The unions can never become a political machine, but they must recognise the necessity for a united political party. Let socialists attend to the development of the socialist political movement as the channel and power by which labour is to come to its emancipation and its commonwealth. It is of vital importance to the trades-union that its members be class-conscious, that they understand the class struggle and their duty as union men on the political field, so that in every move that is made they will have the goal in view, and while taking advantage of every opportunity to secure concessions and enlarge their economic advantage, they will at the same time unite at the ballot box, not only to back up the economic struggle of the trades-union, but to finally wrest the government from capitalist control and establish socialism. Declaring  opposition to the capitalist system of private ownership of the means of production, and urging upon the working class the necessity for working class political action is as far as the trade union organisations need to go. If you were to use your economic organisation for political purposes you would disrupt it, you would wreck it.

The mainstream parties have sounded a note of alarm at the so-called “apathy” of the voters, and there is reason for their fear. Unintelligible sound-bites from campaign spin-doctors will no longer answer the insistent questionings of a slowly awakening electorate. The workers are refusing to get enthusiastic over the many fake election issues, for all these dwarf into insignificance before the very practical question of “What are you going to do about the problem of the unemployed”? To which questions the Tories and Labour can answer only, “Who knows!” The Socialist Party is the only one that gives the worker a practical and logical answer to his elemental question.

If you have no right to work you have no right to life because you can only live by work. And if you live in a system that deprives you of the right to work, that system denies you the right to live. No work, no food and all this in the shadow of the abundance these very workers have created. In capitalism a  worker can only work on condition that he or she finds somebody who will grant them permission to work but for just enough of what his or her labour produces to keep them in sufficient fit state and working order. Why should any worker need to beg for work? Why be forced to surrender to anybody any part of what his or her labour produces? No matter whether you have studied this economic question or not, you cannot have failed to observe that society has been sharply divided into classes into a capitalist class upon the one hand, into a working class upon the other hand. The capitalist has become a profit-taking parasite. The capitalists are absolutely unnecessary; they have no part in the process of production – not the slightest.

So long as the means of production are privately or state owned, so long as they are operated for the profit of the capitalist or a bureaucracy, the working class will be exploited, millions will be reduced to want, some of them driven to be vagabonds and criminals, and this condition will prevail in spite of anything that organised labour can do to the contrary.

What is it that keeps the working class in subjection? What is it that is responsible for their exploitation and for all of the ills they suffer? Just one thing, the working class have not yet learned how to unite and act together. The capitalists and their retinue have managed during all these years to keep the working class divided, and as long as the working class is divided it will be helpless. It is only when the working class learn (and they are learning ) and by very bitter experience to unite and to act together, especially on election day, that there is any hope for emancipation.

 We have now no effective revolutionary organisation of the workers along the lines of this class struggle, and that is the demand of this time. The capitalists are combined against you. They are reducing wages. They have control of the courts. They are doing everything they can to destroy your power. You have got to follow their example. You have got to unify your forces. You have got to stand together shoulder to shoulder on the economic and political fields and then you will make substantial progress toward emancipation.

Who owns the North Pole part 70

A Russian military official told Russian media that the Kremlin was forming a new strategic military command to protect its interests in the Arctic. The formation of the new command follows a December 2013 order from Russian President Vladimir Putin to ramp up Russia's military presence in the Arctic. Putin said Russia was returning to the Arctic and "intensifying the development of this promising region" and that Russia needs to "have all the levers for the protection of its security and national interests."

"The new command will comprise the Northern Fleet, Arctic warfare brigades, air force and air defense units as well as additional administrative structures," a source in Russia's General Staff told RIA Novosti.

Russia created the Northern Fleet-Unified Strategic Command to protect oil and gas fields on the Arctic shelf.

 Canada, Denmark, Norway, Russia, and the United States — the five countries that have a border with the Arctic — have been rushing to secure rights to drill for oil and natural gas in places that are now accessible. Hundreds of billions of dollars are at stake. Experts estimate that the Arctic holds some 30 percent of the world's natural gas supply, and 13 percent of the world's oil. That's why companies like Royal Dutch Shell, the U.S.-based Arctic Oil & Gas Corp. and Russia's Gazprom have all been making exploration claims on land in the Arctic.

Countries are making new claims in the Arctic as well. Each of the five nations with Arctic borders is allotted 200 nautical miles of land from their most northern coast. Putin's military expansion was in direct response to a claim of additional land by Canadian Foreign Minister John Baird, who last year asked scientists to craft a submission to the United Nations arguing that the North Pole belongs to Canada. The Canadian claim also asserts that it owns the Lomonosov Ridge, an underwater mountain range located between Ellesmere Island, Canada's most northern border, and Russia's east Siberian coast.

 The American Department of Defense last November released a new Arctic strategy outlining American interests in the region. The new strategy calls for the Pentagon to take actions to ensure that American troops could repel an attack against the homeland from a foe based in the Arctic and calls for increased training to prepare soldiers for fights in Arctic conditions. It makes clear that the Pentagon believes the Arctic is becoming contested territory, and the DOD would act to protect American interests.

http://theweek.com/article/index/256908/the-race-for-arctic-oil-russia-vs-us

Poverty and Ill Health

Harry Burns ,  Scotland's chief medical officer had some words of wisdom to say before retiring from his post. "As a doctor at the Royal, I never once wrote a death certificate saying the cause of death was living in a horrible house or unemployment. People die of molecular deaths, such as proteins coagulating in arteries and causing heart attacks and strokes. Yet we know that poor [social] conditions lead to poor health and premature deaths." (Guardian, 12 March) For many members of the working class being exploited all their lives is bad enough but it can even lead to poor health and premature death. RD

Socialism Is The Issue 1/4

A four- part article based on the writings of Eugene Debs, member of the generally reformist Socialist Party of America and their candidate for the the US Presidency.

PART ONE

A Labor Day is coming when our starry flag shall wave,
Above a land where famine no longer digs a grave,
Where money is not master, nor the workingman a slave

We live in the capitalist system, so-called because it is dominated by the capitalist class. In this system the capitalists are the rulers and the workers the subjects.  Socialists counts among the world’s workers all those who labour with hand or brain in the production of life’s necessities and luxuries. For much of its history human society has consisted of masters and slaves and the tens of millions of wage-workers in the world are the twenty-first century slaves. In the struggle of the working class to free itself from wage slavery it cannot be repeated too often that everything depends upon the working class itself. The simple question is, can the workers equip themselves, by education, organisation, co-operation and self-discipline, to take control of the productive forces and manage industry in the interest of the people and for the benefit of society? The workers must organise their own emancipation to achieve it and to control its unlimited opportunities and possibilities. That is all there is to it.

The fifth clause of our Declaration of Principles explains “That this emancipation must be the work of the working class itself.”, echoing the call of Marx and the First International.  What
can workers do for themselves? The answer is whatever is required. The working class can organise, combine, unify, cooperate and act in concert. Members of the working class are in the majority and have the vote. Where free elections are possible, peaceful revolutions can be achieved.

Working men and women can educate themselves. They can read, study, discuss and debate.  Ignorance is slavery. Intelligence is freedom. Workers should be ashamed to follow leaders who may betray them. The task of the Socialist Party isto persuade fellow workers to first question and challenge the present system of society and then to organise to change it. Without organisation workers are forever at the mercy of their enemies. Why does the labour movement  not assert its mighty power and conquer capitalism? Because it will not unify, because it chooses division rather than unity, strength and victory.

There were two different systems of economics in the world. The exponents of one system claim they have the right to live off the toil of others, while the others believe that the Earth  belongs to all the people. Capitalism is not “the survival of the fittest,” but “the survival of the most unscrupulous.” Socialism is no utopian dream, not the product of imagination, not a mirage to beckon and then to vanish, but a theory of life. The working class must get rid of the whole brood of masters and exploiters, and put themselves in possession and control of the means of production.  It is therefore a question not of reform, the mask of fraud, but of revolution. The capitalist system must be overthrown, class-rule abolished and wage-slavery supplanted by the cooperative industry.

Between the mainstream parties socialists have no preference. They are one and the same in their opposition to socialism and the emancipation of the working class from wage-slavery. Every worker who has intelligence enough to understand the interest of his or her class and the nature of the struggle in which it is involved, will once and for all time sever affiliation with them all. They should acknowledge the class-struggle which is being waged between the producing workers and non-producing capitalists and cast their votes for a genuine class-conscious socialist party, which is pledged to abolish the capitalist system its class-rule and the wage-system - a socialist party which does not compromise, but, preserving inviolate its socialist principles and determination to advance the goal of economic freedom. The old parties are held together only by the cohesive power of spoils, and in spite of this they are steadily disintegrating. Again and again they have been tried to reform capitalism but always with the same results, and people are wakening up to their duplicity, deserting them in droves. It is now a question of capitalism or socialism, of despotism or democracy, and they who are not with us are against us. If only the working class could and would use their eyes to see; their ears to hear; their brains to think, how soon this Earth could be transformed. No person of reason can condone the present system but must condemn the cut-throat system that drives people to insanity and makes the psychiatric hospital an indispensable part of every community.

The Socialist Party is the only party that promotes the interests of the working class, the only class essential to society and the class that is destined ultimately to succeed to political power, “not for the purpose of governing men,” in the words of Engels, but “to administer things.” The present form of government based solely upon private property in the means of production is wholly coercive; in socialism it will be purely administrative. The ultimate function of government is to keep the exploited class in subjection by their exploiters. The owning class is necessarily the ruling class. This class struggle will not, cannot cease. The Socialist Party is necessarily a revolutionary party and its basic demand is the collective ownership of the means of production and distribution and the operation of all industry in the interest of all the people.

The prevailing economic system can only be abolished in two ways; namely, by securing control of government or by violent revolution. No rational person prefers violent to peaceful measures, and hence socialists rely upon the power of the class-conscious vote to accomplish their end. Where all men and all women have the ballot, political organisation is a necessity, and hence the organisation of the Socialist Party to represent the interests of the working class. Centuries of struggle and sacrifice were required to wrest the vote from the clutches of rulers and place it in the hands of workers. It is the abuse and not the use of it which is responsible for its evils.

We do not seek to convert trade unions into a political organisation, but hope they become class-conscious industrial unions, its members recognising the socialist ballot as the weapon of their class and using it accordingly. The attitude of the Socialist Party toward the trades-union movement is broadly endorsing but stopping there, and allowing it to manage its own internal affairs, a role of solidarity but also of non-interference.

Economic freedom can result only from common ownership, and upon this principle the Socialist Party differs diametrically from every other party. Between private ownership and common ownership there can be no compromise. One produces for profit, the other for use. One produces millionaire palaces and pauper hovels, the other abolishes class rule and wipes out class distinction. Cast your votes for the Socialist Party and throw your lot in with the World Socialist Movement, with its mission to uproot and overthrow the whole system of capitalist exploitation, and put an end to the poverty and misery it entails. The workers of the world, mainly through organised effort, are becoming conscious of their interests as a class, totally regardless of colour, creed, or gender and in time they will unite and act together upon a common basis of equality. In the class struggle the economic equality of all workers is a foregone conclusion, and he or she who does not recognise and subscribe to it as one of the basic principles of the socialist outlook is not a socialist.

The average person imagines that there must be a leader to look up to and to follow. We has been taught that we are dependent creatures and without someone to lead we would be lost. But we have relied too much on leaders and not enough on ourselves.  As long as you can be led you will be betrayed. That does not mean that all leaders are dishonest or corrupt, some may well be honest and as often as the  case it is a matter of genuine but blind leaders leading blind followers. An honest but incompetent  leader is just as fatal to our interests as the one who deliberately sells us out.

Our business is to put’the exploiters of labour out of business. We don’t need a capitalist; and if you think you do,  it is because you don’t understand your own best interest. You don’t need him. You imagine that he gives you a job; but he does nothing of the kind. You give him a job. You employ him to take from you what you produce. The capitalist could not exist a second without you. Can you imagine a capitalist without his work-force? What has the stock-exchange investor and share-holder who legally own a work-place know of  its operation? Absolutely nothing.

Capitalism is based upon the exploitation of the working class and when the working class ceases to be exploited, there will no longer be any capitalists. They are parasites. They are worse than useless. They simply take what we make, leaving us in poverty.

The exploiting capitalist is the economic master and the political ruler in capitalist society, and as such holds the exploited wage worker in utter contempt. No master ever had any respect for his slave, and no slave ever had, or ever could have, any real love for his master. It is no part of the purpose of the Socialist Party to compromise with the capitalist class. We are organised to fight that class, and we want all our fellow workers to clearly understand it.

In capitalist society we are not people but simply merchandise to be  bought and sold on the labour market.  Language betrays the fact foer aren’t we called “hands” and dealt with by “human resource” departments. In this competitive capitalist system  the workers are fighting each other to sell themselves into slavery.

The Socialist Party has declared war upon the capitalist class, and upon the capitalist system. It has no reason in concealing any part of its mission, and  its  object is to entirely abolish the capitalist system. We are of the working class and we say: Arise and unite, fellow workers of the world!  It is in our power to put an end to this system. Wipe out the wage system, so that you can walk this Earth as free men and women! Make ourselves the masters of technology instead of being slaves to the machine. No matter who or what a worker may be, if he or she works for wages, he or she is in precisely the same economic position that you are. They are of your own class and are your brother and sister, comrades. There is no escape for you from wage-slavery by yourself as an individual, but while you cannot alone break your fetters, if you will unite with all other workers who are in the same position that you are, if you will join the organisation that represents your whole class, you can develop the power that will achieve your freedom and the equal freedom of all.

When the workers are united in one economic organisation and one political organisation; when they strike together and vote together, they can put their class in power in every legislative body and parliament. They can abolish the capitalist system. When you unite and act together, the world is yours. You cannot be satisfied to live and die as beasts of burden; to toil unceasingly to enrich masters who hold you in contempt; to be dependent upon these leeches for your jobs and crawl like sycophants at their feet. You are a human, not an animal. You have your freedom to achieve, and you have an intellect to develop.

The primary need of the working class is education. By education we mean revolutionary education; the kind that enables men and women to acknowledge themselves as wage-slaves ; that the economic interests of these many millions of human beings who do all the useful work and produce all the wealth are absolutely identical; that they must unite ; that they must act together; that they must assert their collective power. When they reach this point they will cease to be slaves. They can do this, and only they can do it. No-body can do it for them.

The capitalist class gouge out profits from your daily drudgery and from what is left, you get your wages. They perform no useful work; yet you harm your bodies with the toil. They are millionaires; yet you are paupers. They have everything; yet you do everything. They live in country estates; yet you in housing estates. They have leisure and money; yet you have neither. They are few and yet you are many! To sum up they are the masters; and you their slaves. There can be no identity of interests between exploiters and exploited and there can be no peace until the working class is triumphant and the wage system is forever ended. It is not to reform the evils of the day but to abolish the social system that produces them that the Socialist Party is organised. It is the party not of reform but of revolution, knowing that the capitalist system has had its day and that a new social order, based upon a new system of production and distribution, must soon supplant the one we now have.

Land Grabs in Braszil

As many as 250,000 people are threatened with eviction as Brazil prepares to host this year's World Cup competition and the 2016 Olympics. The World Cup games will be played in twelve cities creating road construction, airport renovation, and stadium construction. In response, Amnesty International founded a campaign called, "Enough forced eviction", and Brazilian activists began "The National Coalition of People's World Cup Committees." These groups sent a report to the UN Human Rights Panel last year that, until now, has been ignored. This action by the Brazilian government is just one act in a long history of governments taking land from people to further the interests of the capitalist class. It will continue until all land is the common heritage of all humankind. John Ayers.

The Rapacity of Capitalism

The recent extinction of the Mangarahara cichlid fish that was native to Madagascar, may not be an earth shattering event, However it does assume greater significance when one relates it to the deforestation, pollution, overfishing, and habitat loss threatening so many species in the island off Africa's east coast. Furthermore, Madagascar is a mere part of the world that the rapacity of capitalism's drive for profits is destroying. John Ayers

The Workers Against the Bosses

No beast is fiercer than the capitalist protecting his profits which exceeds even the ferocity of a she-bear defending her cubs.

Before people can be robbed, people have to be ruled; before people can be ruled, people must first be fooled or deceived. Fooled, ruled and robbed to ensure the master’s profit and every Every evil passion is let loose. In dumb, blind fear people turn to the very institutions which the masters had built and perfected to be used on slaves who would not meekly accept the slave’s position as determined by the masters and escape the slave’s fate. Prison and death is used when bullying, lies, cajolery, bribes, promises and bluffs fail. There were no limits to the means that are to be made use of to coerce the slaves.

For years the political questions are to revolve about labour and capital. We are living under institutions where the discretion and control of the whole economic situation are in the hands of capital. Capital can do business only when a profit is in sight. Capital exists for profit alone. To get the largest possible profit it is often advisable to slow down production or to discontinue production entirely. This is what is social sabotage and the capitalist class are the most persistent perpetrators and consistent culprits. To sabotage industry is a crime only when it is committed by a worker but when it is committed by a capitalist it is only doing business. This sabotage of industry by the employing class is the principal cause of poverty, unemployment and all of the social ills which flow from them. It is at the bottom of all the labour unrest abroad in the world today.

Negotiating Wage Slavery

So long as the economic system, based on private ownership of the means of production, is the system by which we supply our wants, the workers will have to apply to employers for a chance to work in order to get money to buy the necessities of life. These are the class of men and women who must sell the skill and efficiency that they possess, in order that they may live and support those near and dear to them and this where the bosses are trying to bribe the workers to side with the boss. If the boss hires the workers, one at a time, and the workers have no organization, he hires them cheap. Where the workers have strong and well-ordered organisations, they are in a position where they are able to bargain successfully for a price for that which they take to the labour market, their skill and ability to do work in production.

A workers’ union must be in the position to, at all times, bargain with the capitalists for the sale of their labour power. The capitalists must also be able to ready to contract for the purchase of the labour power without which the ownership of the plant, the raw material, and the possession of the pay roll would be of no benefit to the capital.

The capitalist is no fool or he would not become, or remain a capitalist. The capitalists being business men or buyers and sellers are ready to make bargains of any kind whatsoever. In fact the bigger the deal, the bigger the scale, the more appeal it carries for Big Business than any small transaction possesses. So it is found that many of the managers of the large-scale industries have encouraged their workers to develop their union organisations so that the buying of labour power is carried on in the most efficient way to draw up employment contracts collectively arranged with all the workers for defined times (often lengthy). The capitalist often finds it to better advantage to buy the leaders of the men’s unions than it is to meet the representatives of the men from the shop-floor in a straight effort at negotiation. If the relations of bargain and sale could be institutionalised in such a way that he would always meet the same men in negotiations, if these men were safe and reasonable, how much better would the relations be between capital and labour. The crooked, co-operating labor leader has some ability, some plausibility, and some ambition. Once he finds that he is able to make a living by being a labour leader, he finds that his life-style is changed for the better. No longer the dirt and noise of the factory floor; new faces to meet; new experiences to undergo; travel and hotel life and time not at all occupied. He comes into contact with the givers of gifts. He is under appraisal; his abilities are measured; his vanity and his integrity and his moral fibre are all weighed. In short, if the man has in him the capacity of being a traitor, he is reached, and labour suffers one more betrayal to be added to the thousands of the past. Having habituated oneself to being a human jelly-fish, neither loyalty nor good faith can ever be expected from many union leaders, but rather duplicity of every kind is to be looked for.  All signs point to the fact that treacherous labour leaders are engaged in co-operating in laws enacted to sell labour into peonage to capital.  A thousand schemes are put forth to make the worker believe that it is in his or her interest to be tame and subservient, that he or she can best serve oneself  at the expense of other fellow workers. If the bosses  recognise that the labour leaders who would lend themselves to such a game,are crooks so what? The capitalists’ money is invested to make profits not make moral judgments.

A successful bargain is one in which the things exchanged are exchanged at their value. To make such a trade the parties to the transaction must be on an equality. A starving man would give much gold or precious stones for the food that would save life. Experience shows that the workers are naked and defenceless against the greed of the capitalist if they have not the power to bring to a stop the production of profit, which is the only reason why the capitalist has become an owner of the means of production. The withdrawal of their labour power from the work-place is the only force at the disposal of employees. If workers make a mistake in their guess, or their estimate, of how much the capitalist will give rather than see his plant go out of production, there comes a lockout or a strike.

Still better, if the workers can be fooled into believing that there was no class state, could be made to believe that that the government was the government of all the people, undertaking to preserve peace and order in the labour world, then all would indeed be well for the capitalist. The politician’s  calling is to keep the confidence of the voters to the extent that they remain in office. Stripping the political game bare, the politician must have money to carry out the work of winning elections and he can get this money only from the same source from which he levies the taxes, from those who have the money. The division of labour gives to the politician the job of making the laws necessary and imperative to allow the economic system to operate. That is, his job is to keep capitalism so that it can work, that it can make profits on the capital invested, that it can exploit labour.  Historically, the politician has never flinched or allowed moral concepts to stand in the way of serving capital. To do anything else would be to commit political suicide.

Holding the political theory that the class struggle, daily taking part in the activities of the labour movement, is the most stubborn fact in history. But the experiences of the modern factory submitting workers to its daily grind, make them more and more troublesome. The fresh open air was the condition under which man entered into relations with his fellows to make the living together. A million years of open air cannot be forgotten in a few decades of the foul, polluted atmosphere of a capitalist factory. The urge is for shorter and even shorter hours, inside of this veritable prison. The strict discipline required for efficiency, which is enforced by the machines as well as the boss, tends in the same direction. The industrial system of production, too, requires that a worker should have some education and some ability to rationalise so comes to see social production in the large, to see how all the processes are dove-tailed, interlinked together. Workers begin to acquire consciousness of their existence. They commence to give some attention to the problems of distribution.

 At the starting point, they receive an immediate object lesson in the retail store outlet of the product created by them and that the wage received as money taken home is utterly inadequate to meet all the requirements of the house-hold budget. A little enquiry and the benefit of some statistics and the conclusion is reached that the standard of living among all workers is about the same, that is, they are all having an equally hard time to make both ends meet, that wages are just about what will keep a worker alive and going along, in one part of the world as well as in another.

According to socialist economics “Labour produces all wealth.” That is to say, every commodity that goes on the market is produced by the combined efforts of the workers. The workmen in return for their labor get wages, while the articles they make belong to the man they work for and are sold on the market at their value. The difference between the wages the workers get and the price of the commodity which the owners of the industries get we call: “Surplus value.”

What becomes of the rest of the product that has been manufactured?

 It goes in rent, interest and profit after the cost of the raw material, the up-keep of the machinery and plant and the overhead charges have been paid. Rent and interest are really profits which are paid to landlords and banks, for, if the industrial company had bought the land and had no borrowed money it would have to have to treat its whole investment as capital and all the money it made over paying wages and the sums paid out for raw material and up-keep and overhead would be entered on the books as profit.

Now don’t forget that the boss owns everything under the system by which we make the living together. He owns the plant and the machinery: he owns the raw material; he owns the money paid out in wages and he owns the product, the product of labour. When he pays the wages he secures the actual ownership of the skill and efficiency that resides in the worker, not only the highly specialised skill of the trained workman but the equally or even more highly skilled efficiency which is the transmitted joint heritage of the human race. Let no worker ever forget that if it were not for the virtual ownership of the skill and efficiency which is the only asset of the workers, the ownership of the plant, the raw material and the money capital would be of not the slightest use to the Money-Bags of the world.

The ownership of the ability to make the living which resides in the workers, by the owners of the capital invested in the business where the workers labor, makes slaves of the workers. There is no other name that will describe the relations of the bosses and workers. It is slavery and abject slavery at that. Hence it comes that the bosses are against the workers and the workers are against the bosses. Hence it comes that the worker that sides with the boss is a treacherous and a disloyal human with the culture and the psychology of a yellow dog.

Part of this surplus is paid through the banks to other persons for the loan of their money for investment in industrial enterprises, or the bank lends out money for a certain return to people who wish to start new industries or businesses. This part of the surplus we call: “Interest”.

Another part of the surplus goes to owners of land where the factories and the shops are located wither as a yearly payment or once and for all as a purchase or it is through the banks for “interest” lent to people to build houses for other people to pay to live in. This second part of the surplus we call: “Rent.”

The remaining part of the surplus goes to the owners of the industries “pro persona” and this third part we call: “Profit.”

Part of this profit the industrial capitalist again invests in raw materials, new and improved machinery and wages. This “money invested in industries to make more money” we call: “Capital”

Of the remaining part of his profit the capitalist pays his office staff for helping to keep track of the commodities thereby preventing waste and theft. He also pays the people who take part in the selling of the commodities in order to have distribution on the competitive market efficient and without delay. While the office staff is paid a monthly or semi-monthly salary, those who help in the distribution are generally working on a percentage basis, or in the case of the traveling salesman both.

After the industrial capitalist has paid his office staff and his salesmen has laid off enough capital for the improvement and continued running of his industry, he divides the remaining part between his stockholders, that is, those people who from the start helped to furnish “capital” for the industry, in short, those who laid out money for buying machinery, raw materials and labor power.

On these three, the personifications of “rent,” “interest,” and “profit,” are levied the taxes of the community for schools the upkeep of law and order and the whole political and military machinery of our day. These three always stick together when there is any danger for the surplus to be diminished, namely when the workers who produce the surplus want more wages. If a raise in wages is brought about, it necessarily has to be paid out of the surplus—there is nowhere else to take it from. In such troubled times they lean on the sympathy of the teachers, the middlemen, the office staff, the university students, the officials of all descriptions, in short, the “public,” that is the whole respectable crowd who in an industrial community live on the surplus produced by the workers.

Profits

We find among our fellow workers in the mines, mills and factories two distinct types: those who know how profits are made and can explain how the boss makes this profit by selling commodities at their value, and those who don’t know.

Those who don’t know that profits are made by selling commodities at their value fall easy victims to all kinds of funny-money currency quacks with patent schemes to fix up the differences between capital and labour and are invariably fooled and ruled, and those who do know are socialists and can do a straight piece of thinking on economics themselves.

What characterises a capitalist cast of mind more than anything is the belief in the fallacy that profit is made by selling commodities above their value, and all foolish panaceas for prolonging capitalism by increased production or by reduced prices are based on this misconception.

Karl Marx threw an eye-opener into the science of economics by stating: If you cannot explain profits on the supposition that they are derived from selling commodities at their value, you cannot explain it at all. This statement received scant treatment among the university professors. First they ignored it, then they belittled it, and finally admitted it.

Marx was about as popular in his day as Galileo some three centuries previous had been when he stated that the earth was round. In those days it was a clear case that Galileo was crazy. How could he maintain the sun appear in the east in the morning, circle the sky over the earth, and disappear in the west in the evening ? For us the explanation is easy: Galileo had a telescope, which had just been invented, and by the use of it he was able to learn more about the stars and the sun than were those who observed with their eyes only. Galileo was not recognised in his own time for his great contributions to the science of astronomy. Neither was Marx recognized in his time for his discoveries in the science of political economy. But facts are facts, and when the misconceptions have been dispersed the facts still remain. For anybody to speak about how to save society today and not know working class economics is as pretentious as to argue astronomy on the supposition that the earth is flat.

In “Value Price and Profit” Marx gave the finest little key that a mentally bound wage slave could ever wish for to open the locks on his chains with. In this Marx says: “To explain the general nature of profits, you must start from the theory that, on an average, commodities are sold at their real values, and that profits are derived from selling them at their values, that is, in proportion to the quantity of labor realized in them. If you cannot explain profit upon this supposition, you cannot explain it at all. This seems paradox and contrary to every-day observation. It is also paradox that the earth moves round the sun, and that water consists of two highly inflammable gasses. Scientific truth is always paradox, if judged by every-day experience, which catches only the delusive appearance of things.”

The working class today is the advancing class and therefore acquiring advanced knowledge and  conclusions but they do not need look to the the academics and universities for their enlightenment. The truth of their slave existence is in their daily lives.

The Rich Act The Same The World Over!

Chinese activist, Xu Zhiyong, has led a call for more information about the wealth of China's capitalists who are not required to publicly disclose their assets. However, investigative journalists have found that between $1 trillion and $4 trillion in untraced assets have left China since 2000. The rich are invited to join any one of a dozen new polo clubs in China where fees are $165,000 and they can even buy a mansion on the club grounds for as little as $90 million! Twenty-two thousand have taken advantage of offshore tax havens such as the British Virgin Islands. Xu Zhiyong and the organization he represents probably mean well but would do better to work for a society where accumulation of such wealth alongside widespread poverty would be unknown and unattainable.

Meanwhile the Star statisticians reported that China's rich are getting wanderlust – no national loyalty there. In a survey of 393 Chinese millionaires, it was found that 64% have emigrated or are planning to do so. Thirty-three per cent of the super rich (more than $16 million) have homes elsewhere. Eighty per cent want their children educated abroad mostly in the US or Britain, 772 received American investor green cards (given to people who invest more than one million dollars) in 2010 and that number grew to 6,124 in 2012. Conclusion – the rich act the same the world over – do anything anywhere anytime that money will allow you to do. John Ayers

A Sane Society?

A paper written by two eminent medical researchers is calling for restrictions on the production and use of neurotoxins, industrial chemicals that affect brain development in children, to say nothing about the rest of us. Conditions such as ADHD (up 88% in the US in the past decade) and autism (up 600% in twenty years and now present in one out of eighty-eight children) are cause for concern. Since 2006, the number of neurotoxins, such as lead and methyl mercury, have doubled and there are believed to be many more as yet unrecognized. A sane society would surely act on this to prevent any further damage. Sorry, I forgot, this isn't a sane society! John Ayers

Engels Against The Nationalists

A word of caution against those Left Nationalists that evoke the authority of Marx and Engels and cite their sympathy for Irish and Polish independence. All is not so simple.

Engels concluded an article, "The Magyar Struggle,"  (1849),  with these harsh words:
“But at the first victorious uprising of the French proletariat,... the Austrian Germans and the Magyars will gain their freedom and take a bloody revenge on the Slav barbarians. The general war which will then break out will scatter this Slav Sonderbund, and annihilate all these small pig-headed nations even to their very names. The next world war will not only cause reactionary classes and dynasties to disappear from the face of the earth, but also entire reactionary peoples.And that too is an advance”

Was Engels advocating nothing less here than the physical extermination of the Slavic peoples? Not really. What Engels really wished to make "disappear from the face of the earth" were the Slavic national movements, the political parties of the Czechs, Croats, etc., and their leadership.  The peoples themselves would be subjected by the victorious "revolutionary nations" to a (not altogether peaceful) Germanisation, Magyarisation and Polonisation.

Even so,  that attitude of Engels is bad enough to dismiss Left Nationalists hoping that Marxism offers credibility for their independence campaign.

That "no nation can be free if it oppresses other nations" held true, as far as Engels and Marx were concerned, only with respect to the large, viable, historic nations, and not with respect to the "small relics of peoples which, after having figured for a longer or shorter period on the stage of history, were finally absorbed as integral portions into one or the other of those more powerful nations whose greater vitality enabled them to overcome greater obstacles." Engels wrote in "What Have the Working Classes to Do with Poland?" (1866)

Engels' statements of 1849 and 1866 mean the denial of self-determination to the small, "non-historic" peoples. Engels was even more specific.

"There is no country in Europe," Engels wrote, “that does not possess, in some remote corner, one or more ruins of peoples, left over from an earlier population, forced back and subjugated by the nation which later became the repository of historical development. These remnants of a nation, mercilessly crushed, as Hegel said, by the course of history, this national refuse, is always the fanatical representative of the counter revolution and remains so until it is completely exterminated or de-nationalized, as its whole existence is in itself a protest against a great historical revolution.
In Scotland, for example, the Gaels, supporters of the Stuarts from 1640
to 1745.
In France the Bretons, supporters of the Bourbons from 1792 to 1800.
In Spain the Basques, supporters of Don Carlos..
In Austria the pan-Slav South Slavs [in the wider sense], who are nothing more than the national refuse of a thousand years of immensely confused development. It is the most natural thing in the world that this national refuse, itself as entangled as the development which brought it into existence, sees its salvation solely in a reversal of the entire development of Europe, which according to it must proceed not from west to east but from east to west, and that its weapon of liberation, its unifying bond, is the Russian knout.”

He writes “Thus the counter-revolutionary uprisings of the Highland Scots have to be explained in terms of a people still living within the clan organization and therefore opposing capitalist development, which would indeed use them ill in the end.' The counter-revolution in Brittany, just as in neighbouring Vendee, has to be understood above all as a result of the peculiar agrarian structure of this region and of the local peasantry's dissatisfaction (for the most part justified) with the early agrarian legislation of the French revolution. And finally, as for the Basques, they supported Don Carlos because in Spanish absolutism they saw a threat to their "fueros" and to their "altogether democratic"(to quote Mane) organisations of self-government."

Amongst all the nations and nationalities of Austria there are only three bearers of progress,
which have actively intervened in history and are still capable of independent life: Germans, Poles and Magyars. They are therefore revolutionary now. The next mission of all the other great and small peoples is to perish in the universal revolutionary storm. They are therefore now
counter-revolutionary."

In November 1847, Engels wrote: "Through its industry, its commerce and its political institutions, the bourgeoisie is already working everywhere to drag the small, self-contained localities which only live for themselves out of their isolation, to bring them into contact with one another, to merge their interests,... and to build up a great nation with common interests, customs and ideas out of the many hitherto independent localities and provinces.  The bourgeoisie is already carrying out considerable centralization The democratic proletariat not only needs the kind of centralisation begun by the bourgeoisie but will have to extend it very much further. During the short time when the proletariat was at the helm of state in the French revolution, during the rule of the Mountain party, it used all means—including grapeshot and the guillotine—to effect centralisation. When the democratic proletariat again comes to power, it will not only have to centralise every country separately but will have to centralize all civilized
countries together as soon as possible." said Engels in "The Civil War in Switzerland,"

Engels is so thoroughly convinced of the finality and irrevocability of this verdict that he even risks offering this statement:
“We repeat: apart from the Poles, the Russians and at most the Slavs of Turkey [not of Austria and Hungary!], no Slav people has a future, for the simple reason that all the other Slavs lack the primary historical, geographical, political and industrial conditions for a viable independence.
And he continues:
“Peoples which have never had a history of their own, which come under foreign domination the moment they have achieved the first, crudest level of civilisation, or are forced onto the first level of civilization by the yoke of a foreigner, have no capacity for survival and will never be able to attain any kind of independence. And that has been the fate of the Austrian Slavs.
There is no country in Europe where there are not different nationalities under the same government. The Highland Gaels and the Welsh are undoubtedly of different nationalities to what the English are, although nobody will give to these remnants of peoples long gone by the title of
nations, any more than to the Celtic inhabitants of Brittany in France Here, then, we perceive the difference between the "principle of nationalities" and of the old democratic and working-class tenet as to the right of the great European nations" to separate and independent existence.
The "principle of nationalities" leaves entirely untouched the great question of the right of national existence for the historic peoples of Europe; nay, if it touches it, it is merely to disturb it. The principle of nationalities raises two sorts of questions: first of all, questions of boundary between these great historic peoples; and secondly, questions as to the right to independent national existence of those numerous small relics of peoples which, after having figured for a longer or shorter period on the stage of history, were finally absorbed as integral portions into one or the other of those more powerful nations whose greater vitality enabled them to overcome greater obstacles. The European importance, the vitality of a people is as nothing in the eyes of the principle of nationalities; before it, the Roumans of Wallachia, who never had a history nor the energy required to have one, are of equal importance to the Italians who have a history of 2,000 years, and an unimpaired national vitality; the Welsh and Manxmen, if they desired it, would have an equal right to independent political existence, absurd though it would be, with the English. What is pan-Slavism, but the application, by Russia and Russian interest, of the principle of nationalities to the Serbians, Croats, Ruthenes, Slovaks, Czechs and other remnants of bygone Slavonian peoples in Turkey, Hungary and Germany! ... If people say that to demand the restoration of Poland is to appeal to the principle of nationalities, they merely prove that they do not know what they are talking about, for the restoration of Poland means the re-establishment of a state composed of at least four" different nationalities."

Engels denied the national future of these peoples and counted on their absorption and their assimilation by the great "historic" nations.

For those who call themselves socialists, "the right of peoples to self-determination" has become so self-evident a principle but it is not a principle of Marxism.

Engels and Marx acted and fought in a world very different from that of today and to understand them we must understand the special range of problems posed by that world. Above all, they very obviously misjudged the speed of historical development, from which, for obvious reasons,  they were never able to free themselves completely They were reluctant  to concede to capitalism, which had scarcely reached maturity, a longer lifespan, and they therefore regarded the socialist revolution as the direct, practical task of their generation. On this premise their nationalities' policy is understandable.

It is simply not true (as some would have us believe) that Marx and Engels' negative
attitude towards the non-historic Slavic peoples was only a short-lived passing phase limited to the revolutionary years of 1848 and 1849. And it is also not true that this attitude can be explained completely by the counter revolutionary role of these peoples and by the danger of pan-Slavism. A national-German undertone is sometimes clearly audible in the national policy of Marx and Engels, although for them a united, republican Germany never meant anything else but the most suitable base of operation and the most competent agent of the socialist revolution.

So  the Marx and Engels position is wherever several nationalities are forced together in a single state, the internationalist policy of  Marxists not only strives to make the workers of the oppressed nation recognise the workers in the ruling nation as their comrades-in-arms and subordinate their particular national goals to the interest of the common struggle for socialism, but also above all encourages the workers of the oppressing nations, notwithstanding their national "pride" and  privileges that may benefit some strata of the working class,  to dissociate themselves entirely from all the policies of national oppression pursued by their ruling
classes.

 Should workers let themselves be "diverted" from the class struggle by the national question? How can one demand that they support the party of one capitalist against another
in a competition between sections of the ruling classes which given the present social order, every national struggle can be reduced to?

The question arises why oppressed nationalities cannot wait with their emancipation until
the hour of freedom arrives for the working class? And why should the English, German,  and Russian workers have been concerned with the establishment of independent (or even only autonomous) Irish, Polish, South Slavic and Ukrainian states, whereby large political and economic regions would be broken up, whose integrity would facilitate socialist development These are the issues that the theorist Roman Rosdolsky raises in his work on the national problem in regards to the position of Marx and Engels.

Today, we find the debate has not gone away but has in fact heightened in the past decades. What has most definitely changed,  is that many of todays “Marxists” possess little comprehension of where Marx and Engels stood regards the various manifestations of European nationalism.