Leisure and pleasure in ample measure

The Socialist Party of Great Britain’s policy is the clenched fist against the capitalists and an outstretched hand to the workers. A revolution that overthrows capitalism and establishes socialism is the only way to solve problems facing workers. Ours is not a business-as-usual political party. Critics smirk that the Socialist Party are “idealists.” and that we are, on the whole, “pretty good fellows,” but utterly “impractical”, however, the Socialist Party is a class party. It openly admits that a political organisation is but an expression of class interest. The Socialist Party therefore exists for the sole purpose of representing the working class. Seeing clearly the age-long struggle between the producers of the world’s necessities and the parasites upon their backs, the Marxian philosophy of the historic “class struggle” is the foundation of its propaganda and organisation work. A higher quality of life and leisure is the class war-cry of our side, as against greater production and higher profit of the other.

 It is an economic law proven by the history that when a social system becomes a hamper upon the productive potentialities it has outlived its day and is ready to give way to a new industrial system. If we apply this test to the capitalist system of to-day, we find that capitalism, instead of using the existing productive forces to supply the necessities and wants of society, is holding back and limiting our productive powers. We find that capitalism does not dare use to their fullest extent the productive forces. Its very existence depends upon limiting these forces.  Modern capitalism is showing itself to be not only injurious to the vast majority of individuals, but a definite obstacle to the advance of the human race.

Only through social or collective ownership can society secure for all its members the benefit of the improved method of organization. Once we establish collective ownership of our industries we will throw off the clogs and checks of our productive powers and will be able to produce more than enough not only to supply every human being food, clothing, and homes to live in, but the opportunity for education and culture which can make life worth living. The last of the slave systems shall be finally swept away.

Our primary task must be the making of socialists, and, isolated as we are, we must carry on that work in our own way.The Social Party declares its object to be:
First — The organisation of the working class into a political party to conquer the public powers now controlled by capitalists.
Second — The abolition of wage slavery by the establishment of a world system of cooperative industry, based upon the social or collective or common ownership of the means of production and distribution, to be administered by society in the common interest of all its members, and the complete emancipation of the working class from the domination of capitalism and the abolition of all class rule.
We further declare that through the ballot box, we can abolish the capitalist system of ownership and establish in its place socialism — an industrial democracy — wherein all the land and the tools of production shall be the collective property of the whole people, to be operated by the whole people for the production of commodities for use and not for profit. We ask the working class to organise with us and other socialists around the world to end the poverty-breeding system of production for profit — and substitute in its place the socialist co-operative commonwealth in which every worker shall have the free exercise and full benefit of his or her faculties.

Representing, as it does, the working and dispossessed class, and having for its sole programme the abolition of the exploitation of the workers through rent, interest, and profit, there can be no compromise between the Socialist Party and the owning class or its state. There is an ever growing tendency to confuse socialism with reform of one sort or another. No policy of partial redistribution will satisfy those who have done and are now doing the hard and necessary work. Minimum wage laws plus all the kinds of other legislation that has marked the attempts of the ruling class to placate the workers, and will merely postpone the final result. In the end, an enlightened and class-conscious proletariat will be satisfied with nothing less than the collective ownership and democratic management of the means and instruments of production and distribution.

The Socialist Party draws a  clear and true line  between socialism and social quackery, between reform and revolution. It cannot be too strongly insisted that socialism means but one thing, and that is the abolition of capital.  Anything else is not socialism. Mere reforms of the present system, band-aid patches on industrial servitude is not socialism. Therefore, while not opposing any reforms or improvements which may be secured under capitalism, the Socialist Party is against taking time, energy and resources away from its main battle, for revolution, in order to carry on the struggle for reform. The one demand of the Socialist Party is socialism - unadulterated and undiluted - the unconditional surrender by the capitalist class. The Socialist Party insists all the philanthropic ventures, humanitarian societies, and charities are based on aspiration alone. The Socialist Party stands out unique as the only one based on the  programme which will make the realisation of those aspirations an accomplished fact. Socialism alone will supply the basis for any permanent improvement in the condition of mankind.

Those who advocated workers’ state sometimes mis-called state-socialism but more accurately described as state-capitalism call for the continuance of the wage system, and an extension of modified class management but socialism means the entire abolition of the payment of money wages, and the production and distribution of wealth by all, for the use and benefit of all. It is a return to the old democratic primitive communism, but at an immensely higher level, due to the almost infinitely greater technological  powers of mankind. Since there is no difficulty whatever in creating wealth far in excess of our requirements, by the scientific organisation and application of the right labour of all to the satisfaction of our social needs, then the old motto, “From each according to ability, to each according to needs,” ceases to be Utopian and becomes a reality. Labour will be devoted to this or that branch of production in proportion to the desires of the community. Work that, after all possible amelioration, remains dangerous or difficult will be shared by all of the community who are fit, instead of being relegated and imposed upon the poor. The standard of life for each and all will be far higher than anything ever yet achieved. The best possible conditions will be to the general benefit that raising the level of society will be the aim of each individual as of the whole community. Nearly all crimes are property crimes. Remove the incentive and these crimes will vanish.

The capitalist media frequently misrepresents socialism. Socialism would destroy individuality. Capitalism, on the other hand, exalts the individual. Capitalism is a fraud within a fraud. Proclaiming itself individualistic modern conditions of production and distribution that is, the institution of private property in the means of production, is itself the root and source of the coercion of the individual. Socialism proclaims itself in favor of collective ownership and control. By these means it would secure to labor the products of its toil, now confiscated by the few, and, in this way, preserve to the workers, the majority of the population, a greater individuality than that which they now attain. With freedom from the economic pressure due to the capitalist control of industry, such as socialism alone can provide, individuality will achieve proportions previously unattainable.

When from infancy and youth to old age the beauties of nature and the pleasure of perfect health can be enjoyed with none of the sordid and degrading drawbacks due to the dire poverty; when work is but the useful and pleasing expression performed voluntarily for the community and with  regard for the individual; when, through the longer, fuller and more active life which mankind will be heirs to, the minds of all will be more completely cultivated than those of the most gifted have ever yet been; when art naturally rises to higher and ever higher  achievement due to a keener public conception of beauty; when the whole world is fully, freely and rapidly open to the travel  – when all this is accomplished, death itself will be nothing more than a sigh of satisfied content at the close of  a banquet of life so religion, too, will lose its worshipers.

Fudging the Figures

The Scottish Government “airbrushed” the global financial crash from its official case for independence to avoid showing Scots would have been thousands of pounds worse off outside the UK. 2008 was omitted from the 670-page Scotland’s Future white paper because of the “temporary effect” it had on the long-term economic picture.

The blueprint for independence, unveiled in November, claims each Scot would have been £900 better off in recent decades with independence if the economy had matched other small European countries. The Scottish Government’s figures cover 1977 to 2007. But new figures published by Holyrood’s independent financial scrutiny unit yesterday cover the most recent 1982-2012 period and show that Scots would be about £2,500 worse off.

Alex Salmond  was accused of “handpicking” statistics to suit his own case and ignoring the most up-to-date picture. The financial crash had a major impact on Scotland and saw the country’s two biggest banks – Royal Bank of Scotland and Bank of Scotland – bailed out by the UK Treasury after falling victim to the sub-prime mortgage scandal.

A Wasteful Society

One of the empty boasts beloved by supporters of capitalism is that it is the most efficient  ways to run modern society. We wonder what those supporters make of Bill Bryson's book "Mother Tongue". 'In 1987, the chairman of United Airlines, Richard Ferris, spent some $87 million changing the company's name to Allegis. ..... After just six weeks, Ferris was deposed. One of his successor's first moves was to change the name back to United Airlines.' (Page 208, Penquin) $87 million of human expenditure down the drain. Yeah, a really efficient social system! RD

The Environment's Enemies

A report cataloged the 2013 environmental and energy votes of the House in the 113th Congress, and found that in one year, the House voted in favor of anti-environment positions 109 times

The findings of the  report:

51: Number of times House members voted to “protect the interests of the oil and gas industry at the expense of the environment and human health,”
 Including voting multiple times to fast-track the approval process of the Keystone XL pipeline. The House also voted to ramp up drilling on public lands, including passing a bill that would have imposed a $5000 fee for citizens who wanted to protest a proposed drilling project and made it much easier for oil and gas companies to obtain permits for drilling on public lands.
20: Number of times House members voted to weaken the Clean Air Act,
 In August, for instance, the House took aim at the EPA’s ability to weigh the “social cost of carbon” when developing regulations, voting 234-178 for an amendment that would prevent the agency from factoring the social cost of carbon into rules.
27: Number of times House members voted to cut clean energy and energy efficiency funding and block clean energy policies, 
Including passing a bill that would have cut federal investments in renewable energy by nearly a billion dollars.
37: Number of times House members voted to weaken the Clean Water Act and other regulatory efforts to improve water quality,
Including voting three times to block federal agencies from using their money to implement the National Ocean Policy.

The scale of anti-environment votes isn’t totally surprising — 160 representatives from the 113th Congress have accepted more than $55.5 million from the fossil fuel industry, and 56 percent of the Republicans in 2013′s House of Representatives deny the reality of climate change.

Food for thought

Sears Canada Inc. announced in November that it will sell the leases on five of its stores including the Toronto Eaton's Centre for $400 million. The company suffered a loss of $48.8in the third quarter of the year, hence the downsizing. The Sears spokespeople never mentioned the effect of competition from Walmart and other retailers but that's how capitalism functions. In the mad dash to make profits some are left behind, go under and respond with worker lay-offs. You can bet the investors are taken care of while the unlucky workers will have to scramble to make ends meet. Things will never change unless we organize for socialism. John Ayers.

Exposing the myth - Explaining the reality

The Socialist Party of Great Britain faces the fact that if society is to be changed from what it is into what the workers wish it to be, many more other things are involved than just gaining a parliamentary majority in the House of Commons. To make it so that wealth is produced not for money-sale but for the direct satisfaction of the needs of the whole community involves a complete change in every detail of social life.

It may mean the scrapping or rationing of such luxuries available to only to a privileged few living in a life of ease at the expense of the toiling and suffering of the many. It will undoubtably also mean an increase in the things necessary to the health and well-being of the people,  of which they are deprived by the poverty they presently endure under in the existing system. It means, therefore, the creation of new methods of distribution.

 It is because it means all these things that the Socialist Party say that the emancipation of the working class must be the work of the working class itself. It cannot be done by legislative decree. At every stage it will require understanding, judgment, discernment, sympathy, and goodwill for the working mass in whose interest the change must be undertaken. Hence the preparation for the workers’ emancipation involves a whole series of considerations—whole worlds of experience.

Why does the Socialist Party run candidates for Parliament? Primarily because the employers will use parliament to give a show of fair play and legality to every act of dictatorial repression against the workers until the workers rob them of that pretence by taking Parliament away from them, to expose the fraud and the brutality and class-savagery camouflaged as government impartiality.  Parliament will be treated as an enemy encampment to be taken and dismantled.

However futile, in view of the present world situation, might be the attempt to struggle for socialism, it is still the only course for workers to adopt. Better the sense of futility than the wasted energy expended on false roads. We will preserve our sense of truth and reason at all cost, even at the cost of futility.

Fear permeates the capitalist system. Fear in the propertied ruling class and fear in the dominated oppressed working class.  The rich and wealthy fear loss of property and assets and they consider any social unrest as threats upon their  privileges.  While the workers fear destitution, unemployment, hunger, and humiliation. These two types of fears impact on the respective classes. The property owning employing class comprise of a few percents continue to profit, even from their own fear from the insurance and security industries who  profit from the fear within the dominating classes. Thus the dominating classes turn into a monster that even feeds on itself to satiate its thirst for profit.  Fear drives the controlling class to make them alienated from broader society by themselves with gated communities. They intend to exist alone, inconsiderate to the existence of others. Yet they fail to recognise their dependence upon the very people whom it subjugates and feeds on.

 The dominated classes are exploited more subtly by fear. Economic insecurity,  hunger, homelessness, destitution etc. are manifestations of the fear that lead the dominated classes to plunge into a race to serve the system. Fear is a controlling mechanism of the system. Seeds of fear are sowed deep in society by the system. The masses are thus driven to serve the system as best they can chained to the profit- system that squeezes out maximum possible profit from them all the time restraining any move to rise against the system.  Fear is also used to divide working class and create competition among them that work as a safety tool for the system. Fear is propagated and engineered by the media. The propagation of fear is a primal function of the system. Fear destabilises unity and the morale of the masses, which in turn helps the system.  By the suppression of class consciousness and sowing disunity, the ruling class enjoy an unhindered flow of profit.

The daily debasement heaped upon working men and women breeds anger and rage. Often this rage is turned inward and shows itself as depression, addiction, or suicide. Frequently it is directed against children, spouses, or against  “others” and “outsiders” like immigrants, or minorities, or gay people. But sometimes it is correctly aimed at the class enemy and takes the form of riots, sabotage, strikes, demonstrations, even revolution.  Then people try to take control of their daily lives and their labour and liveliehoods.

Nevertheless, within this  apparent powerlessness reside the very triggers and ingredients of political  power. In the midst of the fear of uncertainty, violence, and  confusion the possibility of revolution is very much alive. The Socialist Party task is to change the political environment, not succumb to it. One of  our  key principles is to avoid compromise. We are often told by those who want reform that the solution we are urging is “not on the table.” We need to refuse to accept the limits of the negotiating table that are designed to divide and conquer. People are given the fake choices to squabble over but never offered a real solution. We are seeking real solutions that require a paradigm shift.  We must advocate for transformational change and not for inadequate reforms that do not solve the problem but merely make it look like the system is responding to our concerns. Reformism co-opts the movement’s goals and allows those in power to undermine the movement through false solutions.

If the World Socialist Movement is be relevant we must begin reversing divide and rule into unite and win.  Some may become discouraged by our perceived lack of progress and success and may resort to advocating violent tactics believing that previous tactics failed. This path will actually undermine the socialist movement by giving openings for the government to infiltrate it and respond with their own state-violence. It would scare people away. When some say that the elections are rigged, people imagine that the machines or the counting is rigged. That may be so in a few minor instances, but that is not what gets one person elected over another. It is the mistaken votes of the people fooled into acting against their own interests that gives the bosses their political power.

The role of the socialist is to encourage thinking  not to dictate all the solutions, but engaging with others and  providing  informed opinion. There will be victories on the road to socialism. There will also be defeats. We should celebrate the successes and learn from the failures.

The Profit System's Awful Cost

The development of capitalism grows at breakneck speed in China, but at a terrible human cost. 'Between 350,000 and 500,000 Chinese die prematurely each year because of the   country's disastrous air pollution, says China's former health minister. The equivalent of the population of Bristol dies each year in China because of   lethal air pollution, according to Chen Zhu, who was the country's Health minister until last year.' (Daily Telegraph, 7 January) In the mindless drive for bigger and bigger profits for the owning class, the working class have to pay, in ill health and premature death. RD

Everything will change but stay the same.

WORLD SOCIALISM

“I really believe that if the political leaders of the world could see their planet from a distance of 100,000 miles their outlook could be fundamentally changed. That all-important border would be invisible, that noisy argument silenced. The tiny globe would continue to turn, serenely ignoring its subdivisions” - Michael Collins, Gemini 10 & Apollo 11 

“You develop an instant global consciousness, a people orientation, an intense dissatisfaction with the state of the world, and a compulsion to do something about it. From out there on the moon, international politics look so petty. You want to grab a politician by the scruff of the neck and drag him a quarter of a million miles out and say, ‘Look at that, you son of a bitch.’ ”- Edgar Mitchell, Apollo 14 

 “Clearly, the highest loyalty we should have is not to our own country or our own religion or our hometown or even to ourselves. It should be to, number two, the family of man, and number one, the planet at large. This is our home, and this is all we've got."— Scott Carpenter, Mecury 7


The Socialist Party’s Scottish branches admit its limitations in the independence referendum debate. All we can do is educate ourselves and as many people as we can, giving them the means and the methods to educate others so they too can change other people's minds. This is the continuous educational process that the Socialist Party of Great Britain engages in. Our immediate task is to counter all this nationalist propaganda, either for separatism or maintaining the union. It is painful to watch otherwise intelligent people lend support to something that’s such an obviously bad idea. Too many live in denial and it is time for the rest of us to proceed towards a rational discussion about the real solution. The only real option is a sane social system.

The SNP has been promised that Scotland will keep the same queen, the same single market and same regulatory regime of the Bank of England , the same currency and EU membership. Separatists pledge the same TV programming and continued membership of Nato. Yet, in Scotland,  as in all other parts of the globe, capitalism and the quest for larger profits control every single part of our lives – from the day we’re born, until we take our last breath. Throughout our lives, we are forced into wage slavery. Capitalism has a stranglehold on our entire existence, and it has turned our entire lives into a profit-making venture. It has  commercialised everything that we do and turned ourselves into actual marketable commodities. An independent Scotland won’t change that, although it may change the person who holds the chains. The SNP is a capitalist party. It works on behalf of the capitalists. Nothing could be further from the truth when Left-Nationalists claim the independence of Scotland would not mean a step forward towards socialism. It would be a step backwards.  Whatever twists and turns lie down the road in the fight for socialism, one thing is certain: the success of that struggle depends on achieving the greatest possible unity of the working class, it is utterly ridiculous to argue that the working class ought to divide itself into two different countries in order to accomplish this unity. It is completely absurd to justify this with the false argument, disproven many times, that the battle for socialism would be easier if it were led by a more militant, nationally pure and homogeneous working class. People are not going to win by dividing themselves. The Left- Nationalists would have us believe that the national demands of the Scottish people can only be met through independence. Thus, they claim, the task is to transform bourgeois independence into a socialist independence. In reality, they find themselves in the camp of those promoting division of the working class. Supporting independence for Scotland  in the name of socialism is a hoax.

Nationalists promote a romantic picture of the future. In their ideal scenario, in a ‘free’ Scotland the economy would bounce back into a robust recovery, jobs would be plentiful, and all those paycheques would bolster a lively and politically stable economic scene with the Edinburgh government aiding entrepreneurial ventures with tax incentives. They would like us to believe and have others accept that home-grown national monopolies are somehow less exploitative than foreign monopolies and less subject to the impact of the general capitalist crisis. Capitalist enterprises, inevitably move towards becoming monopolies, regardless of the nationality of their owners.

The real referendum question is this - “Do you want to take your chances with fake promises of a better Scotland through independence or work towards a positive socialist future through revolution?"

At the onset of 2014, many people are now anticipating the prospect of a ‘global revolution'. There is no way of predicting where a mass protest movement will kick off next or what form it will take, but expect it to be an even larger-scale version of an Occupy movement. There is a  growing understanding among everyday people that we cannot rely on governments to affect the necessary transformation. In the now-famous words of Russell Brand there will be a “total revolution of consciousness and our entire social, political and economic systems”. In short, a revolution in our sense of self as global citizens , in which we equate our own interests with those of people anywhere in the world and we no longer conform to the capitalist vision of society in which we are forced to compete with everyone else as ‘others'. The Socialist Party is for a revolution in every sense of the word – in our values, our imaginations, our lifestyles and our social relations, as well as in our political and economic structures. The growing call for revolutionary change is shared beyond national borders and is for the common good of all people in all countries.

 Realistic proposals for planetary change do exist, as individuals and groups everywhere are discussing the necessary objectives for how the economy should be run democratically at all levels, from the local to global. An abundance of  thinking outlines the need for changes in every aspect of our economic and political systems which altogether articulate a basic but an effective blueprint for a new and better world. The Socialist Party calls for global revolution, not devolution. It is up to the working class to show that it will not be duped by nationalist nonsense and deceitful rhetoric.

 “The view of the earth from the moon fascinated me—a small disk, 240,000 miles away. It was hard to think that that little thing held so many problems, so many frustrations. Raging nationalistic interests, famines, wars, pestilence don’t show from that distance. I’m convinced that some wayward stranger would certainly know instinctively that if the earth were inhabited, then the destinies of all who lived on it must be inevitably interwoven and joined. We are one hunk of ground, water, air, clouds, floating around in space. From out there it really is one world.” 
“When you're finally up at the moon looking back on earth, all those differences and nationalistic traits are pretty well going to blend, and you're going to get a concept that maybe this really is one world and why the hell can't we learn to live together like decent people."— Frank Borman, Apollo 8

concerned with concealing

Our federal government under the Harper regime continues so quietly to stifle anything that it doesn't like. Recently, the Toronto Star reported on just two of many (December 22). The Pearson Peacekeeping Centre will shut its doors this month after years of fund cutting by the government. Prime Minister Lester Pearson proposed the first peace-keeping force that moved the world back from war in the 1956 Suez crisis for which he was awarded a Nobel prize. Since that time Canadians have been front and centre in the UN peace-keeping missions. This government has moved our foreign policy more toward armed combat. Secondly the House of Commons recently shocked many Canadians by demanding its employees sign a confidential gag order with draconian sanctions for any breach. This follows funding cuts and similar demands on the scientific community suggesting the government is more concerned with concealing rather than revealing the truth, but that's nothing new to socialists. John Ayers.

Upper Class Arrogance

The arrogance of the owning class knows no bounds. Take the case of Yevgeny Chichvarkin the Russian reputed to have a fortune of £150m, who now lives in London and has opened a wine store in Mayfair for the super-rich called Hedonism. He currently offers a bottle of wine priced at £120,000 and has on offer a bottle of 55-year-old Glenfiddich whiskey at around £123,000. He blithely boasts of his customers. "It's a present for somebody who has seen everything in this world. For some people who have been rich for a long, long time. It is quite hard to make an impression." (Guardian, 28 December) RD

The SPGB Programme

SOCIALISM NOW 

People are aware that  political parties which claim their support have a programme which they put before them, explaining their point of view in relation to present-day questions. The Labour Party has one programme, the Conservative another and the LibDems possess one. At the back of all these programmes, there exists in the mind of those who are propagating them a particular point of view as to the nature of present-day society and of the tendencies of present-day society.  Conservative programme represents the interests of a different class from that of the worker he is trying to acquire a vote from.  It represents the programme of the capitalist class which looks at present-day society from a different point of view from that of the working class. The Socialist Party programme however is the simplest to understand. Our demand is solely for the establishment of socialism, not a wish-list of reforms we would like to see the ruling class implement. In order to understand that attitude it is necessary to understand the socialist  point of view in relation to present-day society.

If we look at the production of wealth in present-day society, we find that that production of wealth can only take place through the co-operation of many diverse trades and industries interlocked one with the other. Within a given workshop, the whole variety of workers, manual and mental, co-operate together in order to produce a common product. Within society as a whole all industries co-operate together in order to produce wealth, the raw material of one industry being the finished product of the other. Without this co-operation of all the useful elements of society in production, there can be no society as we understand it to-day. Wealth to-day can only be produced and industry maintained through this co-operation. The vast industries in which men co-operate to produce wealth to-day are not the creation of any particular class, but have only been created and can only be maintained by the co-operative labour of all useful elements in society. The technical knowledge, the science which is utilised by these industries is not the creation of any particular social class, but is the common product of men co-operating together in society.

This technical knowledge, this application of science to industry, is constantly increasing, and with it, the power to produce wealth quickly and efficiently. Within our own lifetime, we have seen tremendous progress in the application of science and technology to industry. The ability to produce wealth grows every year, and with it, in a rational system of society, the welfare of the mass of the people should grow also. In capitalist society the opposite process is taking place. Alongside growing power to produce wealth there is growing poverty. The wealth which is produced by the co-operative labour of all active workers in industry is divided in most hopelessly unequal fashion,  giving one class bountiful riches and power and condemning the majority of us to poverty and subjection. The cause of the rotten distribution of wealth lies in the nature of the capitalist order of society. While wealth is cooperatively produced these industries are not owned by the workers who operate them, but by a small idle class owning the land, the banks and the means of production. Because this class owns the means of life, it is able to dictate to the producers the terms on which they will work. These terms may vary for different classes of workers, in accordance with their scarcity, skill, or organisation, but they are always of such a character as to allow to the employing class the lion’s share of the wealth which is produced by the labour of others.

All this may seem the most elementary and unworthy of emphasis yet the very basics of socialism, however, are being forgotten by many people in the 'progressive’  movement to-day. At the moment the idea is being widely spread that by an improvement in the efficiency of capitalism the workers will be able to obtain a continuous improvement in their standard of life. The idea behinds this is that the more capitalism produces wealth the better off everyone will become. This is not the case. The more wealth capitalism produces the greater its difficulties as a functioning system; the more difficult it is to obtain markets, the more intensive international competition becomes; the greater becomes the danger of the antagonisms created by this competition ripening into war. Capitalism widens the gulf between  workers and the capitalists, increases the difficulties of capitalism to dispose of its product, and drives the capitalist states irresistibly towards war.

At the present moment the difficulties of capitalism are increasing in every country. Capitalism has by no means solved the crisis into which the world has plunged it. There exists a scramble all over the world for control of oil fields and sources of supply of all kinds. The result of this scramble has been wars. Countries which had formerly been in the very forefront of capitalist “progress” are now almost ruined. New countries which had formerly been dependent upon them have thrown off their dependence and entering upon a period of expansion.

Under capitalism this state of affairs naturally leads to intensification of competition. In such a situation, the capitalists have only one solution of the difficulty, i.e., the increased exploitation of the working class. There are two ways in which the capitalists can increase this exploitation: (1) to reduce the wages of the working class, normally by de-valuing the value of money by Keynsian inflation (2) to speed up the working class while continuing to pay them the same wages by intensifying the work-process with new technology. These methods are not mutually exclusive. Very often both of them are adopted by the same body of employers, one after the other. The reformists hold that the crisis is not in a “normal” condition. If wage reductions will help in getting capitalism back to “normal,” then the majority of those leaders insist wage reductions ought to be agreed to by the working class. They have pursued this policy, not merely in theory, but in action as agreeing cuts to pay and pensions.  No amount of concessions by the workers can do more than meet the immediate difficulties which the capitalist class are faced with. Sooner or later new difficulties will arise in the development of the system, and the capitalists will call upon the workers for even further sacrifice.  The Socialist Party would like to know how to restore businesses to prosperity without reducing wages and without the employers giving up any of their claims on the profits of that industry. The only way is to induce the workers to forgo their customs and practices, allow the capitalists a free hand in utilising the labour-power which is available to them in order that an increased product may result at less cost.

 Even if the workers were to agree to facilitate production by abandoning their safeguards, there is no guarantee that they would get a share of the increased production. The division of the increased product would be settled like the division of the product to-day, by the relative economic strength of the workers on the one hand and the employers on the other. Waiting for the trickle down effect offers little hope to workers.

We live in a world dominated by capitalism, a system which allows a small minority of capitalists to oppress and exploit the great majority of humankind.  It is capitalism that brings about great inequalities in living standards with more poor people now in the world than ever before, starts murderous wars to steal the resources of other countries and causes the growing devastation of our natural environment.  Either we get rid of this outmoded and increasingly decrepit system or it will devastate humanity. Urgent action is necessary. People know that capitalism has failed but few can see a way forward to a better type of society. There is nothing to fear from socialism but everything to gain. Socialists are not fighting for utopias or for a future ‘Workers State.' In a socialist society the capitalist with the whip disappears. Here all workers are free and on an equal footing, working for benefit and enjoyment, tolerating no waste of social wealth. The purpose of socialist propaganda intends to make it clear to all the working-classes that society  as it exists to-day, is founded on the robbery of the ‘lower’ class by the ‘upper’ class of the useful by the useless, of the many by the few; that so long as this privileged robbery goes on, those who do all the useful work that is done will be constantly deprived of the refinements of life.  Let it be clearly understood that only two systems of society are possible, wage-slavery and socialism.

The abolition of the rule of capitalism and the realisation of socialism – nothing less, this is the electoral policy of the Socialist Party. This is an huge work which can be born only of the conscious action of the mass of workers. The path of the revolution follows clearly from its ends, its method follows from its task. This is the guiding principle of all socialists. The familiar concept of revolution stems from that period which saw the transition from the feudal to the capitalist world. This concept will not be valid for the transition from capitalism to socialism. Our doctrine tells us that socialism can’t be built on the ruins of the existing society by a revolt of starving beggars in rags. It can only result from organised workers. The only viable way forward is  struggle to achieve socialism, a classless and stateless society on a world scale where people do not oppress and exploit each other and where we live in harmony with our natural environment.  To create a socialist world it is necessary to overthrow the rule of capitalism and this can be done only through revolution.

perhaps, we should create more poverty among seniors?

A study on global pensions by The Organization for Economic-operation and Development (What? Co-operation within capitalism?) concluded that Canadians over sixty-five are well-off compared to most others in the thirty-four-country group of advanced economies. The average poverty rate for seniors in Canada was 7.2% which was among the ten lowest and better than the 12.8% average. The inference is that for this the Canadian seniors should be grateful, or, perhaps, we should create more poverty among seniors so we are at the average! One wonders how satisfied the compilers of the report would be if they lived in poverty, that is especially desperate for the elderly who have passed any chance of earning more to supplement pensions. From cradle to grave ever becomes more of a struggle unless we are prepared to change things. John Ayers.

A New Year Resolution by the Clyde Workers , 1916

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Strengthened by a mutual recognition of the real danger o'ershadowing Labour, emancipated from that abject humility that has hitherto characterised too many of the self-appointed saviours of our class, untrammelled by the self-seeking lickspittles whose corruption has been responsible for the deplorable plight of the world movement to-day; the Clyde Workers’ Committee will stand unique in the annals of Labour Unionism. It is on account of the absolute distinctness of the C.W.C. that I am cheered by the advent of a new Labour publication. I feel perfectly satisfied that a paper produced by the men who suffer every day the horrors of industrial life and its multitudinous injustices, whose eyes have been opened to the sunshine of disillusionment shining through the massed black clouds of treachery and cant, will adequately minister to the. militants whose discontent to-day is the harbinger of a glorious to-morrow. The Worker is the “trumpet which sings to battle,” blown by the breath of the mighty inspiration – To the worker the tool. To the accomplishment of this the fighter will strive with renewed virility, now that a vehicle for the diffusion of righteous discontent and a weapon for redress of Labour’s wrongs is under the control of the men of the workshop. However, truly sympathetic the intellectual, professional, or upper class individual may be to the cause of working class emancipation, the efforts of such must necessarily fail to carry the conviction that accompanies the efforts of the workshop propagandist. There exists always the healthy suspicion that the person of polish is talking of something he cannot possibly have first-hand knowledge of. This is why Union Officials – men of the workshop who have been placed in positions of trust by their mates – have always been able to barter the confidence thus won for flattery or gold. The ruling class influence over Labour Unionism is an influence that would cease to exist if all officials were honest men, or men actuated by the knowledge that the class they represent can have nothing in common with the class which exploits it. It is by the recognition of these facts that the C.W.C. gives the promise of a fuller and more joyous future for the Labour movement. It is customary to wish a new journalistic venture long life. I go one better, I wish it with all my heart and soul a short life – but a successful one. May it bring the Revolution.

Yours, in the spirit and flesh,
JOHN S. CLARKE.

The Worker, No.1, 8, January 1916

The function of a trade union

The function of a trade union is to eliminate competition among workers on the labour market. But if the trade union, as an organization of living human beings, is to attain its goal, it can do so only through the will of its members. The transient personal interests of the individual worker often clash with the interests of the class as a whole. The organisation requires certain sacrifices: dues, expenditure of time, readiness to engage in struggle. Anyone who remains outside the union earns the good will of his employer and avoids conflicts, unemployment, or demotion. The stronger the trade unions become the more the entrepreneur strives to keep his workers out of them. He substitutes his own social security arrangements for those of the trade union, and deliberately exploits the conflict between personal and class interests. The trade union struggle is a struggle over the labour contract.

The capitalist is opposed by the individual worker while the individual employer is engaged in conflict with an organisation of workers, and organisations of workers are locked in battle with employers' organisations.  The existence of employers' organisations involves a change in the balance of power between capital and labour.  As long as the isolated employer confronted an organized workforce the trade union had a great many measures available to it which the development of employers' organisations has now rendered ineffective. The more fragmented an industry is, and the smaller the average size of the firms, the greater, in general, is the power of the trade union.

As long as trade unions confront individual employers their position is a favourable one. They can bring their concentrated power to bear upon the isolated employer. The wage struggle is thus a series of individual strikes. The workers of the employer concerned are supported by the whole financial strength of the trade union, which does not diminish during the struggle because the members who are still working continue to pay their dues, and perhaps special levies. The employer has to fear that his customers will be taken from him by employers who continue to produce, and that his sales will be considerably reduced even after the strike has ended. He has to make concessions, and from that moment it is in his interest that the terms to which he has agreed should become general throughout the industry, that all the other employers, whether voluntarily or under duress, should concede the same terms of employment. The isolation of the employers enables the trade unions to compel them to come to terms one after the other, through systematically conducted individual strikes, without these strikes putting too great a strain upon the resources of the unions themselves. Their successes increase their power by increasing membership and income from dues, and they emerge from the struggle stronger than before.
 It is clear that these tactics can be employed all the more successfully, the more tenuous the co-operation between employers, the keener the competition among them, the greater the number of employers involved, and the smaller the power of resistance of each individual employer. It is here that the influence and power of the unions is greatest. Large-scale industry resists such individual strikes much more strongly. In this case a strike can only be successful if it is general throughout the industry. An individual strike encounters much greater resistance which is far more difficult to overcome because the power of even a single large employer is far more considerable, and an understanding among a relatively small number of employers can be achieved more rapidly. The combination of workers is now confronted by the combined power of the employers which makes it more difficult for a trade union to achieve success in an isolated struggle, since the individual employer is now backed by his organisation, which compensates him for losses, ensures that the striking workers do not find other jobs, and makes every effort to fill the firm's most pressing orders itself.  If necessary it resorts to the offensive by extending the struggle and declaring a lockout in order to weaken the union and force it to capitulate. In such a struggle between the combined employers and the trade unions, the employers' organization is quite often the stronger of the two.

As long as labour organisations are in conflict with individual employers the choice of timing rests with the workers, and timing is a decisive factor in determining the outcome of a struggle. A work stoppage is most damaging during a boom, when the rate of profit is at its highest and the opportunities for extra profit are greatest, and in order not to lose his whole profit even a major employer would try to avoid a conflict at such a time, for the opportunity to earn that profit will not recur, at least not until the next boom. From the standpoint of the union's chances of success, a strike should be called at a time when production is at its maximum, and it is one of the difficult tasks of trade union educational work to persuade the members of the wisdom of these tactics. For it is precisely at this time that workers' incomes are highest, as a result of regular employment and overtime, and the psychological incentive to go on strike is consequently weakest. This also explains why most strikes occur during a period of prosperity before the peak of the boom is reached.

This choice of timing, however, ceases to be the prerogative of the trade unions once the employers' organisation becomes well established, for the latter can now determine the time of the conflict. For them the lockout is a form of preventive war, which can best be waged during a depression when overproduction makes it quite useful to halt production, and the workers' power of resistance is at its lowest because of the excessive supply of labour on the market and the financial weakening of their organizations as a result of the large demand for financial aid and the decline in membership. This ability to postpone the occurrence of a conflict, which results from the development of an employers' organisation, in itself represents a massive transfer of power. The employers' associations attempt, by a process of careful selection, to retain unorganized workers, rather than those who are organised, in employment, the most dangerous among the latter are proscribed by the use of blacklists. By organising company unions - institutions for breeding class traitors - the employers try to divide the workers with the aid of bribes and the granting of special privileges, and to ensure the availability of a strike-breaking squad. By refusing to negotiate with the union leaders they seek to undermine their moral influence. But they are fighting a vain battle, for in the final analysis the class interests of the workers are identical with their personal interests, and the trade union organization has become a matter of life and death for them. But the battle does retard the progress of the trade union movement and restrict its influence.

 The guerrilla war of the trade unions against individual employers has given way to mass struggles which affect whole branches of industry, and if they grip the most vital sectors of production, which have become interdependent through the division of labour, they threaten to bring all social production to a standstill. The trade union struggle thus expands beyond its own sphere, ceases to be the concern only of the employers and workers directly affected, and becomes a general concern of society as a whole, that is to say, political.  There is growing pressure from those who are not directly involved to end the original wage conflict, and since there is no other means available for this purpose they call for intervention by the state. The question of ending the strike is thus transformed from a trade union question into one of political power. The balance of power is tilted in favour of the employers by their de facto control of government.

The very scale and intensity of the unions struggles gives them a political character and demonstrates to workers how trade union activity is necessarily complemented by political action. Hence a point is inevitably reached in trade union development when the formation of an independent political labour party becomes a requirement of the trade union struggle itself. Once an independent political party of the workers exists its policy is not confined for long to those issues which led to its creation, but becomes a policy which seeks to represent the class interests of workers as a whole, thus moving beyond the struggle within capitalism into a struggle against capitalism - the struggle for socialism

Taken from here

Bankrupt Scots

Twenty Scottish businesses are forecast to go bust each week this year, with 40 Scots being declared bankrupt each day as the nation continues to struggle under a mountain of historic debt.

Just under 15,000 Scots were sequestrated – the Scottish term for bankruptcy – or took out a protected trust deed (PTD) last year and a similar figure will go bust by the end of this year, BDO warned.  Bryan Jackson, a partner at accountancy firm BDO, which made the predictions said that “rising utility bills, higher food costs and frozen wages” meant that people struggling with debts were also only able to pay off the interest rather than the amount they borrowed. Such individuals could be “tipped over the edge” by increases in their living costs or reductions in eg, overtime payments, he added, or by changes in personal ­circumstances such as divorce or unemployment. Jackson added: “Although the number of Scots being made bankrupt has reduced in the past few years from a peak of 23,500 in 2009, it has settled at a disturbingly high level. Prior to 2008, a figure of 15,000 Scots a year being bankrupted would have seemed outrageous but we have got used to a very high level of personal insolvency since the recession began and seem to accept these numbers as the inevitable consequence of the economic downturn. They may use payday loans to cover themselves in the short term but the debts will simply accumulate and eventually they will be made bankrupt.”

Many companies are only managing to service the interest on their debts rather than paying off the money they owe. This leaves firms in a precarious situation if interest rates begin to rise, as they will be unable to meet their repayments. Jackson  said: “Worryingly, many businesses are simply paying interest on debts that are never reduced. A rise in interest rates, reduced income, or a change in the marketplace and these businesses will collapse.”

Tightening gun laws?

In the year since the shootings at Sandy Hook elementary school, twenty-five more school shootings have occurred killing seventeen and wounding twenty-four. No progress whatsoever has been made in tightening gun laws due to the power of the gun lobby, but eighty state laws to arm school staff have been passed. Sounds like a good business proposition for the gun manufacturers, arming even more people. John Ayers.

Thoughts on socialism

Once the capitalist class have been able to concentrate wealth into their hands they have, throughout history, emasculated government, turned the press into lap dogs and courtiers, corrupted the courts and hollowed out public institutions, including universities, to justify their looting and greed. Today capitalists have created grotesque financial mechanisms that do not make money directly from the means of production.  The banking business are parasites. They feed off the carcass of industrial capitalism. They produce nothing. They make nothing. They just manipulate money.

It is labour alone which supplies all human wants. It has produced in the past all the capital it now employs, and it is producing all the capital which will be employed in the future.  Dividends do not create themselves – they are all filched from labour. Thus all workers are bled.

And what about the capitalist? What is his place in our social system? That the present social system has failed must be apparent to all who have studied it. It has rendered the many subservient to the few and facilitated every method of exploitation. It disinherits the great mass and foreordains their lifelong misery before they are even born. It creates jealousies, hatreds, and mutual injustice. All  political institutions are destructive and those in power are self-seeking, dishonest, and tyrannical, and ever ready to dominate and oppress those over whom they exert authority. Our social system is continually driving people to poverty. The world’s wealth is concentrating in fewer hands; millionaires and paupers are both on the increase and the bIg capitalists are swallowing up the little ones. The governments of the world are at the beck and call of its plutocrats while life is getting intolerable precarious to the many. Men and women are wretched with discontent everywhere.  Laws are made to protect property and proprietors alone. There is no law for the poor. Plutocracy rules the world.

The fact that the Left over the decades has suffered a serious set-backs; in numbers, spirit, organisation, and ideology, is no secret. Some of the causes for the Left’s decline were outside its own control. The truth of the matter is that the long-sustained boom and its long prosperity had undermined  the confidence in Marxist economic analysis. The end of World War Two was firmly expected to produce a return to the depression of the thirties as post World War One had done - it didn’t happen. But the 2007/8 Great Recession changed that perspective. Now ‘radical’ economists working as research directors for labour unions secretly believe that they are surreptitiously bringing back Marxism when they present superficial analyses  about ‘the worker not being able to buy back what produces’, misrepresenting this redistributionist under-consumptionist theory as Marxist economics. The over-simplified theory of the reformists is that in a boom, profits rise faster than wages, thus producing a shortage of purchasing power. This takes effect for cause, and fails to dig deeply enough for the underlying reasons. The theory falls down when one considers that the remedy it proposes—rising wages—is a feature of every boom period has never yet succeeded in preventing the collapse.

Frederick Engels dubiously attributed the slowness of socialist development in English workers to the ‘share’ in the benefits of ‘England’s industrial monopoly’ which fell to the working class.‘With the breakdown of that monopoly, the English working class will lose that privileged position; it will find itself generally—the privileged and leading minority not excepted—on a level with its and these soon install themselves as the new elite. Such is the eternal design of the universe fellow workers abroad. that is the reason why there will be socialism again in England.’ The same proposition holds here. Socialism will come again  only when economic conditions prepare the way.

In ‘Poverty of Philosophy,’ Marx states: ‘The domination of capital has created for this mass a common situation, common interests. This mass is thus already a class as against capital but not yet for itself. In this struggle of which we have noted only a few phases, this mass becomes united and constitutes itself as a class for itself. The interests it defends become class interests.’

Whether one agrees or not, Marx’s thought seems perfectly clear. The working class is formed and exists through the organization of the social process. It is an objective fact regardless of anyone’s understanding, or how various individuals picture to themselves their class position. But for a class to understand its own interests and engage in political battles in its own interests, it needs class consciousness. This consciousness is attained however in the course of its inevitable experiences and conflicts with the employing class.

The unique feature of the Marxist analysis is that it describes a basic problems in the capitalist economy which cannot be solved short of doing away with capitalism. Every boom hits its stride because of a growing strength in purchasing power, but this in turn produces a frenzy of competition and expansion in industry which is bound to far outrace the population’s consuming power. The mechanics which force capitalism to this end are not primarily psychological, although that element plays a role in the later stages of an upswing, but are directly economic in character. In the law of the jungle of capitalist competition, each capitalist is forced to fight for his profit position and competitive standing; the race of technology and productivity grows exceedingly swift; every possible particle of capital and credit is drawn into the maelstrom in which money miraculously breeds money; and every encouragement in the way of a boost in purchasing power drives the boom to more dangerous speculative heights and over-expansion of industry. To eliminate depression by a rise in wages adds a trifle of consuming power and keeps the bubble going a while, but only inflates it bigger in the long run.

Poets have written of the existence of a golden age in the dim past. This was just poetic license and an effort to escape from an unsatisfactory present. There never was such an age in antiquity. Man’s ascent from the jungle has been painful and slow, and his history since the dawn of civilization is written in agony, in and in violence. But a golden age has now become a possibility. The means are at hand to abolish poverty and to eliminate want, to escape from drudgery, to alleviate the struggle between man and man for the good of life by providing abundance for all.

We socialists are up against the fact of life that another new generation has to be convinced afresh that socialism does in fact represent a superior system for the people, that the idea of the  withering away of the state is not a pipe-dream, but a realistic if rough sketch of the future state of human society. The most basic criticism of the Socialist Party is that we have succumbed to utopianism by imagining that socialism will bring an end to the class struggle and usher in a new classless and stateless society of free brotherhood.  Socialism will be created only when people believe these things again, and only by reasoned argument can we hope to convince them.

The labour movement arose not to mirror the corruptions and exploitations of our acquisitive society, but to eradicate them. To the extent that trade unionism succumbs to the practices of the business world, it loses its raison d’etre.  It does not evoke an image as the protector of the underdog, the champion of progress, the advocate of the brotherhood of man. It is, in the mind of the general public, another special vested interest lobby group. But socialists to be realistic, cannot demand very much more from trade unions than they are doing, that unions by its nature cannot go beyond the specific job of rendering a business service. We hold that they represent the wishes of the union membership. Left to their own devices, the union officials will perpetuate themselves in office and continue to follow the lines of least resistance. A basic redirection of union policies can only be visualised  as a consequence of an insurgent mood sweeping the working class as a whole, and finding reflection in union ranks. It is hard to see the unions as initiators of such a change. They will, rather, be beneficiaries of it. But there is no reason to suppose that the pendulum will not swing again in the opposite direction from the present depending on economic and social  circumstances. And any new upheaval inside the unions will necessarily assume different forms from previous upsurges to meet new conditions and situations.  The union becomes vibrant only when workers are in motion and  are interested in alternative lines to official policy,  seeking to participate in decision-making. It is a historical fact that democratic participation and spirited controversy occur most commonly when the membership is in a militant state. Discontent can spread through a number of unions, and reflect broader social issues rather than particular local grievances.

Many critics of the socialist idea rest their case on the argument that all previously studied societies have been dominated by a ruling elite, and since it has always been that way, it will always be that way. And of course as their coup de grace those critics eagerly point to the Soviet Union  to prove that socialism represented simply the rule of a new elite based on the control of the state assets which was more  tyrannical and ruthless than any capitalist free-enterprise system. The supposed rule of the majority, the 'dictatorship of the proletariat’, for the first time in history, has been proven a utopia; that given the opportunity, the working class demonstrated its incapacity to rule, and spawned out of its midst a new exploitative bureaucratic elite. Socialism has unfortunately been presented as a system not of abundance but of scarcity, as a system not of increased leisure and comfort, but of unusual sacrifice and back-breaking toil.  Decades of Russian ‘socialism’ has  appeared as a system which offered not political democracy and a wider freedom, but conspicuously less freedom than exists in the most advanced capitalist countries. Workers knew they ate and lived better than the Russians, and that was good enough to hold them as camp followers of the capitalists. Socialism renounced its old ambition of world revolution and has shrunk into a number of separate ‘national liberation’ movements

Many so-called thinkers believe in a veritable law of the social development, namely, that in all society there is, and must always be, a ruling minority that grabs all sorts of special privileges for itself, and a ruled majority, whose destiny is to be directed and controlled by the minority and to toil on its behalf. This remains true whether the society is feudal, capitalist, slave, or socialist, or whether its form be monarchical, oligarchical, or democratic, and this will always remain the situation because the majority cannot rule itself.  So, while revolutions are sometimes necessary in order to pep up an old worn-out elite, or replace it entirely with an new fresh elite, it does not and cannot change the basic law of minority rule. Even where majority enter into the revolutionary fray, nothing is changed, because masses can only succeed when the have leaders, because that’s the way human nature works. Such a world-view is expressed by Robert Michels in his “iron law of oligarchy” supporting such the proposition that society cannot exist without a dominant ruling group and that “The social revolution would not effect any real modification of the internal structure of the mass. The socialists might conquer, but not socialism, which would perish in the moment of its adherents’ triumph.” It is a view of history according to which, humanity continues to wage its fruitless struggles over and over again, with society ever revolving around the same series cycle of stages, almost without any sense or reason. The career politician, with his or her inevitable pre-occupation with maneuvers and expediencies, dominates the political field.

This constitutes just one more capitalist attack on socialism which is largely a variation of the "you can’t change human nature” argument.

Which Way Forward For The Unions?

In every country capitalism has produced a highly developed trade union movement. Workers have struggled to build trade unions and long before there was a political party of the workers there were trade unions. Their history is a record of  workers who fought the laws which prohibited the existence of the unions, who dared imprisonment, deportation, victimisation and persecution in order that their unions could become strong and powerful. One generation succeeded another in continuous effort, in great strikes, massive demonstrations, political struggles, until to-day millions of workers are organised in trade unions.

Have you ever stopped to ask why and for what these organisations have been built? Trade unions were not formed to fight for socialism. They defend the wages and conditions of the workers, their wages, their hours of labour and so on. This is clearly revealed by the way in which the trade unions have grown.

 Labour  is a commodity and those who sell their labour power, the members of the working class, manual and brain-worker alike, also compete like other commodities. Unions represent in one sense an attempt to organise monopolies of labour power in order to break down the competition between the workers who in the labour market are commodities for sale and to establish monopoly prices for labour.

 The more trade unionism advances in this direction the more difficult it becomes for the capitalists to make profit. Hence the everlasting cry of the capitalists for “lower production costs” and its opposite the workers’ struggle for higher wages and improved conditions. Unions are the movement of wage-workers. All its problems are based upon the fact that the members of the unions are wage-workers who, to live, must sell their labour power to the owners of the means of production.

 They are parts of a competitive system, the motive of which is that of production for profit. The labour it uses is a commodity subject to all the laws of commodity production. The fundamental purpose of the trade unions, therefore, must be the pursuit of the interests of the wage-workers.  The unions regulate wages, hours of labour, etc., by means of collective agreements with the employers. In some industries, where the workers are well organized, the unions have agreements covering the employment of labour, the regulation of overtime, protective safety regulations, etc.

Unions have many agreements governing allocations of work schedules, decasualization schemes for workers, etc. Probably the largest field of influence is that of the unwritten rules and customs. These extend in many directions, such as the distribution of work, overtime regulations, starting and stopping times for meals, the introduction of new machinery, the transfer of labour, limitations and training of apprentices, etc.

During the last few years the trade union movement has experienced changes of the most deep-going nature which have affected vitally its whole structure and altered its outlook in many important respects.

The trade union movement is conditioned in its development by the economic and political framework within which it exists. The problems of the trade union movement can never be separated or isolated from the general political situation. Its internal dynamics do not operate independently of these conditions. The  working class as a whole is not yet politically conscious. It does not yet act as an independent class. It goes without saying that reformist illusions among the masses have been developed.

 Nevertheless, workers have demonstrated a remarkable tenacity in clinging to their unions. Whatever may happen to this or that union or any number of unions, the workers do not wish to abandon the union movement but to broaden it, increase its militancy, etc. So long as capitalism endures, organisation of some kind on the job to deal with the boss is indispensable.

Generally speaking, we cannot conceive of an advance of the working class to a point where it can enter upon a struggle for power, without an advance in the economic organisations in the direction of industrial unionism. The unions have become repositories of an immense amount of information about the operations of industry – technical, engineering, administrative, etc.

 This also makes them exceedingly important agencies in the process by which the control of the workers over industrial operations is made actual. Workers possess an  organisation, through which they have been accustomed to carry on their struggles, would make use of this  ready-made machinery for communication. Is it not likely that the unions as a whole will become the workers’ councils, the instruments of workers’ power?

 Theoretically this possibility cannot be excluded.  It is also save to say that they may not be ready or entirely fitted to conduct the process of administration of production. The union organisation is after all primarily sectional, representing the interests of its own members and may not be  equipped to deal with the larger  issues.

The labour movement currently lacks social vision. It has not yet raised the inspiring banner of working class emancipation. It is still timidly and blindly trying to patch up wage slavery and make it endurable. It has still to learn that the only solution of the labour struggle is by the abolition of capitalism. It is time for all workers to look upon capitalism as an obsolete social system which must be eliminated and look forward to the establishment of a new society in which parasitical capitalists will be no more.

It's a big club, and you ain't in it

By the third quarter of 2013, the share of corporate-sector income accruing to profits and other forms of capital income had reached 25.8 percent, the highest share ever recorded. To put this number into perspective, if the share of corporate-sector income accruing to capital owners in the third quarter of 2013 were 20.4 percent (the 1969–2007 average), every worker in the U.S. economy would have earned $3,200 more in wages.

Comedian George Carlin -- It's a big club, and you ain't in it:

"The real owners are the big wealthy business interests that control things and make all the important decisions. Forget the politicians, they're an irrelevancy. The politicians are put there to give you the idea that you have freedom of choice. You don't. You have no choice. You have owners. They own you. They own everything. They own all the important land. They own and control the corporations. They've long since bought and paid for the Senate, the Congress, the statehouses, the city halls. They've got the judges in their back pockets. And they own all the big media companies, so that they control just about all of the news and information you hear. They've got you by the balls. They spend billions of dollars every year lobbying ­ lobbying to get what they want. Well, we know what they want; they want more for themselves and less for everybody else."

"But I'll tell you what they don't want.  They don't want a population of citizens capable of critical thinking. They don't want well-informed, well-educated people capable of critical thinking. They're not interested in that. That doesn't help them. That's against their interests. They don't want people who are smart enough to sit around the kitchen table and figure out how badly they're getting fucked by a system that threw them overboard 30 fucking years ago.

"You know what they want? Obedient workers ­ people who are just smart enough to run the machines and do the paperwork but just dumb enough to passively accept all these increasingly shittier jobs with the lower pay, the longer hours, reduced benefits, the end of overtime and the vanishing pension that disappears the minute you go to collect it. And, now, they're coming for your Social Security. They want your fucking retirement money. They want it back, so they can give it to their criminal friends on Wall Street. And you know something? They'll get it. They'll get it all, sooner or later, because they own this fucking place. It's a big club, and you ain't in it. You and I are not in the big club."

endangered lists

 "Taxi dispatching is a vanishing job" said Workopolis that based its findings on evolving technology. Jim Bell, the president of Diamond Taxi, 'credits' the automated system with, "…more efficiency. We are able to match up a customer and a driver much quicker. Also on Workopolis's endangered list are grocery cashiers, postal workers, word processors/typists, and social media experts. Evolving technology that in s socialist society would mean greater leisure time for all, is, under capitalism, a means of throwing people out of work to reduce labour costs and greater profits. John Ayers.

Green Capitalism

A monetary valuation of nature is something new. Pricing nature is viewed as a potentially powerful way of of communicating with broader groups, and also of integrating the value of ecosystems in socioeconomic analyses that form the basis of decision-making. But seeing nature as a living, beautiful web that we are connected to and pricing it for the services that it delivers to us, are incompatible. These two positions reflect values that are very difficult, or impossible, to hold simultaneously. Life is being converted to money.  It implies that humanity is a consumer of nature, instead of a connected part of the living web. And that creates further distance between us and nature. Especially when money is involved, this approach undermines social and environmental motivations. When we are told to care about nature because it is profitable it also diminishes us. We know that we are an integral part of the world, not nature’s customers.

 Capitalism cannot measure or value non-monetised, more human and relational sources of wealth. Were it to attempt to systematically do so by internalising all costs such as the costs of pollution to the environment capitalism wouldn't come close to being profitable and, hence, would be a non-viable system.

 The idea of competition lies at the heart of all capitalist  thinking. The argument says that human beings excel when they are competing with one another for dominance. The free market is the best economic system in the world, we’re told, because private enterprises compete with one another for market share. This is the thinking behind the movement to privatize government services. People who are motivated to act out of self-interest will do whatever it takes to enrich themselves, even if that means damaging the entire society.

In the realm of food production and population, it doesn't matter how many times Malthusian arguments of overpopulation are factually refuted. Those arguments buttress the dominant classes' explanations for hunger and environmental degradation, and refute alternative, less palatable, explanations and, thus, continue to resurface as "truth."

The environmental destruction is the direct result of the crazy, profit-motivated system we live in. And so long as that system is allowed to continue, pollution, global warming and climate change  will continue and increase. The problem is not technology itself but capitalism and capitalist technology.  Many blame droughts for the famines of Sahel and the Horn of Africa  but is capitalist relations of production, distribution and exchange which bring about starvation. Contraceptives, irrigation schemes and alternative technologies do not change the structure and effects of capitalism.  Socialists have always argued the case for alternative production in one sense -  the idea that in a socialist society production will be for need and not for profit. Socialists will go to war against the enemies of Mother Nature in defense of the environment against defilement by profiteering special interests and the the waste of the natural resources by these same forces. The purity of air, water, soil, are vital to humanity. More than 8 million acres of China's farmland is too polluted with heavy metals and other chemicals to use for growing food. It would be about 2 percent of China's 337 million acres of arable land. Some scientists have given higher estimates of as much as 60 million acres, or one-fifth of the total, though it is unclear how much of that would be too badly contaminated for farming. The growth of Chinese industry, overuse of farm chemicals and lax environmental enforcement have left swathes of the countryside tainted by lead, cadmium, pesticides and other toxins.  Authorities launched an investigation of rice mills in southern China after tests found almost half of supplies sold in Guangzhou, a major city, were contaminated with cadmium.

Socialists fight destruction of the forests and resist over-concentration of population in vast industrial centers.  We expose the system that pollute streams, lakes and seas. We must bring to bear every social, political and educational pressure against such farm-husbandry abuses and unscientific crop practices. Socialists raise the whole question of energy at the base of modern industry. When people have mastery of society, we will turn to the great non-depletables, the sun, the tides and the winds. The inexhaustibility, from the view-point of mankind, of three the power resources of sun, water, and wind is indisputable. The problem of the conversion of power from these various re-newable, sustainable energy sources has never been given any serious inquiry in capitalism.

The Cancer Industry

The international tobacco industry makes about £30 billion in profits each year – a profit of approximately £6,000 per death from smoking.

Tripling tobacco taxes around the world could cut smoking by a third and prevent 200 million premature deaths by the end of this century, researchers claim. In the European Union, a doubling of cigarette prices would prevent 100,000 deaths a year in the under-70s. 

The new tax would encourage people to quit smoking rather than switch from more expensive to cheaper brands, and help to stop young people taking up the habit, say the scientists. They came to the conclusion after conducting a systematic review of 63 studies on the causes and consequences of tobacco use in different countries. In high-income countries, 50 to 60 per cent of the price of a pack of cigarettes is tax. But in low- and middle-income countries, tax makes up only 30 to 40 per cent of the cost. Tripling tobacco taxes would also increase global government revenues from tobacco by a third, from £180bn a year to £240bn, said the researchers.

“Globally, about half of all young men and one in ten of all young women become smokers, and, particularly in developing countries, relatively few quit. If they keep smoking, about half will be killed by it, but if they stop before 40, they’ll reduce their risk by 90 per cent.”

Mind That Gap

At a time when many workers are concerned about losing their homes nothing illustrates the gap between them and the owning class than the housing market. 'The Bishops Avenue in Hampstead, or"Billionaire's Row" as it is commonly known, has been named by Lloyd's Bank as the second most expensive street in England and Wales - the average house price of £6.2 million still, incredibly, putting it below Egerton Crescent in Kensington and Chelsea, where houses sell for an average of £7.4 million.' (Times, 31 December) Not much concern here about the "bedroom tax" or difficulties in meeting the mortgage payments. RD

Folded Arms

The old “folded arms” theory of  syndicalism is the belief workers could topple capitalism without violence and merely by folding their arms and stopping work. This theory sprung forth in the period just after the Paris Commune when the workers were still  recuperating from the slaughter. It was also a response to the growing accommodation that the workers parties developed with the status quo. Syndicalism represented an extreme reaction against reformist, parliamentary socialism which can be viewed as the father of syndicalism.The restiveness of the working class is constantly working out new forms of struggle under changing circumstances that invariably lead towards the question of some sort of workers control over production.

 Those who call for a politicalised socialist trade union should understand that a union needs to recruit all workers to be able to put up resistance to the bosses. Can it possibly wait for all the workers to become socialists before inviting them to organise themselves or before admitting them into the organisation.   Any fusion  between the socialist  and union movement ends either by rendering the union helpless and  powerless to obtain improvements or result in the socialist party committing its socialist principles to empty paper promises of reform.  Socialists must work  for socialist ends and not engage in the horse-trading of the labour market although, naturally, socialists within the unions will strive to ensure that they remain open to all workers of whatever opinion or party on the sole condition that there is solidarity in the struggle against the employers. They will argue against the unions becoming the tools of the politicians. Socialists are minded that the workers’ organisation is not the end but just one of the means, however important, of preparing the way for the achievement of socialism. It is the system and not our remuneration or  the “boss” which must be changed.  Socialism is not achieved  through public (state) ownership or workshop committees or trade union representation on this or that management board, but through a fundamental change in class relations. It is necessary to have a clear understanding as to what differentiates syndicalist theory from the orthodox socialist doctrine.

The essence of syndicalism is social revolution by means of the trade unions while the essence of socialism is the revolution by voting.  The syndicalists recognises but one “field” of working class activity — the economic; only one kind of social question — the economic. To solve these economic questions it uses, in all cases, direct action tactics alone. It forces the state to pass laws in the same manner as it forces a private employer to raise wages, or to better working conditions — by strikes and other forms of industrial action. And not only does syndicalism feel perfectly sure of its ability to force the state and private employers to grant concessions by its direct action tactics, but it also intends to overthrow the whole capitalist edifice by the supreme, ultimate application of direct action, i.e., the general strike. It makes absolutely no provision for the conquest of the political power by the political party via the ballot box. Syndicalism bases the whole workers movement upon economic action, not political actions. It sees in the immediate struggle of the unions a preparation for the revolutionary strike that will overthrow capitalism; and it organises the working class in a way that provides the means of assuming control of society by building in its organisation the structure that will function as the administration of the new society on the day of the revolution. Even the Left SPD Marxist Karl Kautsky, in an article in the International Socialist Review, April 1901, said:
“The trade unions...will constitute the most energetic factors in surmounting the present mode of production and they will be pillars on which the edifice of the socialist commonwealth will be erected.”

Some in the history of the socialist movement such as the De Leonists have sought a hybrid theory of syndicalism insisting it needs a guardian and helper — a political “shield.” and tries to force the guardianship on the unwilling syndicalists  but in doing so creates a situation where two movements cannot exist in harmony as they are intent upon trying to absorb each other.  The two movements become competitors for the undivided support of the working class.

Thomas Tait - of the SLP

OPEN-AIR MEETING AT THE MEADOWS

The Socialist Courier blog has in the past posted about Scottish political activists who may never have been members of the Socialist Party of Great Britain but who the blog consider have contributed to Scottish socialist history.

Remembering our working class history.

Thomas Tait was born in Leith on 11 January 1889 and served in the Army during the Boer War where he became a socialist  through reading the pamphlet, What means this strike? by American socialist, Daniel de Leon. He joined the Edinburgh Branch of the Socialist Labour Party around 1905. The Party later split in 1912 and Tait continued in membership of the British Section of the International Socialist Labour Party, of which he was Secretary in the 1930s. There were 22 members of Edinburgh Branch in Dec 1932. In 1936 the Party was meeting at 55 Elder Street in Edinburgh. However, by 1939 they had moved to 1 South West Thistle Street Lane.The BSISLP in turn became the Revolutionary Socialist Party in 1936. Tait was a powerful orator. He was unsuccessful in contesting the municipal elections as a socialist, standing 17 times. He died on 12 May 1941.

"It was as a speaker that comrade Tait excelled. And it was as a speaker that he was known to thousands of workers. At the Mound and the Foot of the Walk he propagated revolutionary socialism for thirty years, amusing and educating his hearers in his own inimitable way. His ability to mix socialist propaganda and humour, indignation against capitalist exploitation and a shrewd common sense made him a powerful influence for socialism. His kindliness, his simple directness, above all, his honesty, compelled the recognition of even his opponents."
From Thomas Tait's obituary, the RSP's Workers Weekly, No. 61, 16th May 1941

The SLP on the march

Election Manifesto