Even supposing that we had absolute equality of
opportunity—which is impossible in a capitalist society—even supposing that no
member of the ruling class could give money or shares or a better education to
his children, and that while the Smiths and Browns provided the capitalists of
this generation, the Joneses and the Robinsons provided the capitalists of the
next (again, impossible, but let it pass) even supposing all this, we should
have exactly the same society that we have now. So long as we have a capitalist
society—part private and part state, like the Conservatives want, or a little-less-private
and a little-more-state like the Labourites want—we will have the exploitation
of the mass of people, the working class, by a small minority, the ruling
class. To support capitalism while demanding equality of opportunity is like
supporting burglary, provided everyone has an equal chance to become a burglar.
Equality of opportunity in our present society simply means that each
generation of capitalists would have different names from the last lot. But who
in the world cares what they are called? To alter a familiar line, a sewer by
any other name would smell as foul.
The Socialist Party refuses to lose sight of our own aim and
object—socialism. Emotion is only a positive and constructive force when it is
controlled and directed. When it is misdirected its effects are negative and
pernicious. We do not put forward our diagnosis of society merely because it is
right, but because in the conclusions we draw from it are the humanitarian
assumptions of remedying the ills of extant society. We are keenly sensitive to
social suffering, but we refuse in lieu of our own remedy to accept what we
hold to be harmful soporifics based on a faulty diagnosis. In answer to this
antagonism ridden, man divided, class divided, nation divided society, we
proclaim the alternative, socialism, one world, one people.
Capital is wealth used for the purpose of profit. To be
strictly accurate, capital is a function of money; it is money which begets
money; money invested for the purpose of bringing back a larger amount of money
than that which was originally advanced.
The starting point of all capitalist operations is the
investing of money. A glance at the prospectus of any company will make this
evident. A long period of time, and complicated processes, may intervene
between the original investing of the money and its final return, plus an
increment; nevertheless, the increment was the object of the investment. The
increment, or extra money, is the form taken by unpaid labour — surplus value.
The cause of the production of this increment is the fact that the worker
produces more in a given time than he receives for working during that time; in
other words, he produces a surplus of value above the value of his means of
subsistence. This surplus goes to the capitalist, as the worker receives on the
average only a sum equal to his cost of subsistence.
Production of articles for sale with a view to profit is the
basis upon which capitalism is built. Before this can become the rule, two
essentials are requisite. First, wealth must be privately owned; and second,
there must be a stock of free labourers on the market—free to be bought along
with the other articles necessary for the production of wealth. The free
labourer is a product of modern times. He is free in the sense that neither
family nor territorial ties interfere with the sale of his labour power. He is
also free in the sense that he may starve if he does not find a buyer for his
labour power.
In the past, capital has appeared here and there, but only
as the odd, the unusual element in production. Originally it appeared as
lending money in the hands of usurers. It only became the social rule when a
new type of worker appeared, who was bound by no feudal or other ties, and was
free to sell his energy to whoever wished to buy. Capital is therefore bound up
with wage slavery.
To sum the matter up: the existence of capital as the
general condition of a society presupposes the existence of a class producing
surplus value and a class appropriating it; a robbed and a robber class; a
class producing wealth which it does not own, and a class owning wealth which
it does not produce. With the introduction of socialism, the private ownership
of wealth will cease to prevail; wealth will be produced for use and not for
profit. Consequently, wealth wilt not function as capital. The conditions for
the existence of capital having disappeared, capital will do likewise.
Capitalism continues the vicious conditions of life, whether
unemployment, overwork, or the perversion of the most exquisite physical
functions, have their origin deep in a system of life which we claim has
outlived its usefulness. Our analysis of present-day society proclaims the
workers the only useful class; when workers reach that consciousness, they will
understand that their emancipation involves the emancipation of humanity
irrespective of race or sex. Then women, like men, will become units in a class-free
society; wherein the useful necessary tasks of that day, will be undertaken by
all capable, with the object of securing the best physical and mental
development possible. Socialism will assure a leisured and bountiful life to
all, because, even with our present powers of production, unfettered by the
restrictions of trade and profit, and used with the object of satisfying all
our needs, with the minimum of effort, wealth could be produced to almost any
quantity we might demand. As yet, we have but scratched nature’s skin; with socialism
the basis of our social order will cease to be a private property one, giving
way to common ownership and democratic control by the whole people. Individual
ego can then be pursued through the communal welfare of all, as against the
present wasteful competitive cut-throat methods of life.