Tuesday, November 24, 2020

John Keracher - Fellow Traveller?

 


There are not many Scots who are aware of the Marxist John Keracher from Dundee.

 Keracher was not only an organiser and propagandist for socialism, he was a pamphleteer.  Keracher was the author of a number of easy-to-read basic pamphlets. They served the important function of introducing the reader to socialist thought and encouraging further study in the classics. His clarion call to the working class was to get rid of the bedlam of out-worn capitalism and to replace it with the sanity of socialism. His pamphlets attempt to disseminate socialist knowledge and understanding — essential ingredients of the socialist revolution. His "How the Gods were Made" has been re-published by the Socialist Party. As a human being, Keracher was full of lively wit and good nature; his calm manner went unruffled by obstreperous opponents, critics, and hecklers. To those seeking personal advice or enlightenment on socialism, he was like an oasis in the desert, a quenching the thirst for knowledge. He was uncompromising in his principles but refrained from ad hominem attacks, and confined himself to the issues as he saw them. He relied on the logic of his arguments to counter critics. Throughout his life Keracher always retained the same admirable qualities with ally and adversary alike. In addition, he was an outstanding organizer, lecturer, and writer; and one always willing to do his share of the menial tasks. His friendships transcended politics and parties. 


Keracher was born on January 16, 1880, in Dundee and died of a heart ailment in Los Angeles on January 11, 1958. He was 77 years old.

In his early twenties, Keracher left Scotland for England, where he lived for a number of years and where he was exposed to the ideas of the Social Democratic Federation and likely coming under the influence of the “impossibilists”. He emigrated to the United States in 1909, settling in Detroit and followed in a family tradition by becoming a shoe-store owner. The back room of the Keracher's store after hours would soon provide a convenient rent-free location for study classes of Marx's Capital. Keracher became a member the Socialist Party of America.

 Detroit was a boom town from the years 1910 to 1918 and because of the growing automobile and other industries, it attracted hosts of workers seeking “good-paying” jobs.  An added stimulus was the advent of World War I, with its government contracts for military supplies. Among the influx of workers to Detroit were Canadian socialists from across the border, who had been active in carrying on socialist work. They were soon followed by Canadian and British "impossiblist" socialists avoiding conscription.  At this time  the Detroit local of the Socialist Party of America was involved in a bitter internal controversy between the large majority of “socialist” reformers  and the small minority of socialist revolutionists opposing the principles and policies of the Michigan Socialist Party. Most conspicuous in this dispute was Keracher on the side of the no-compromisers. Keracher and his colleagues managed to win adoption by Michigan organization of a “short program” devoid of such minimum demands at its 1914 state convention. The new radical program of the Michigan party proved no impediment to further growth, as the group's membership rolls continued to swell. Keracher was able to record another great factional triumph in the Socialist Party of Michigan when he was elected State Secretary in 1915. The state's 1914 “no reforms” platform was adopted one again at the 1916 state convention with minor modifications. Keracher's influence upon the party seemed sure.

 The revolutionary faction also drew encouragement from Kerr’s "International Socialist Review" as well as its Marxian classics and other pamphlets. They served a useful purpose in stimulating the reading of meaningful socialist literature. (Subsequently, when the Proletarian Party purchased the Kerr Company for the purpose of perpetuating the supply of socialist literature, Keracher made an excellent administrator and a valuable contributor). The combination of these circumstances led to the establishment of a Marxian study class in Duffield Hall.  Moses Baritz and Adolph Kohn of the Socialist Party of Great Britain were the instructors, with Keracher playing a leading role in this class by enlarging it to include debates and lectures. The class proved invaluable in spreading an understanding of Marxism and the principles of the SPGB. In July 1916, 43 members of the study class, including 19 members of Local Detroit, SPA, decided it was time to organize a genuine socialist party in the United States along the lines of the SPGB. The Workers’ Socialist Party of the United States resulted. The 50th anniversary of the American Party issue of the Western Socialist  explains how  leaders of the Michigan SPA such as John Keracher and Dennis Blatt were sympathetic to the 'revolutionary tea drinkers' as the Detroit comrades were called, but they thought that Marxists should remain in the SPA and trying to shift it toward socialism rather than organize separately. The formation of a new socialist party was premature, they claimed. Keracher apparently felt he could use his influence to move the SPA closer to the SPGB position by remaining within it as an active member. Keracher defended the members of the new party who were being heatedly criticized for resigning by members of the Detroit Local, SPA.

By this time, Keracher had become state secretary of the Socialist Party of Michigan. He was deeply involved in advocating that the next state convention of that party supplant reforms to patch up capitalism with a plank for revolutionary socialism. He also urged that the Party’s position on religion be changed from being considered as a private matter to one of social concern. He and his supporters were successful in changing the constitution of the Socialist Party of Michigan to conform with basic socialist objectives. At the time, this was a bombshell! Under these circumstances, it was understandable that he was unable to participate in the organization of The Workers Socialist Party. Whilst  recognizing the need for a new genuine socialist party, he was unable to join it. Instead, conditions being what they were, he, together with the socialists remaining in the SPA in Michigan, organized an educational group within the Party to disseminate socialist ideas.

Thus was born the Proletarian University, soon followed by its publication The Proletarian, which was in harmony with SPGB principles. The Proletarian University united and formed study circles in a number of towns around Michigan and in other cities throughout the country, including Buffalo, Rochester, Minneapolis, Chicago, and Los Angeles. The establishment and propagation of Marxist study circles of was the hallmark of John Keracher. The task of the revolutionary movement in the current period was deemed to be the training of the working class in the “science” of Marxism in preparation for the inevitable revolutionary overturn of capitalism and the establishment of the “Dictatorship of the Proletariat.”


 
“Every Local should maintain at least one weekly study class,” The "Proletarian" said, encouraging its establishment around the selection, reading, and discussion of an elementary book, such as The Communist Manifesto.  Meetings were to be led by a “class director” selected based upon experience "The director calls on one of the students to stand and start reading. After a few paragraphs are read, the director, who by the way, should be a good reader, reads the passage over again carefully and calls on the student to explain what has been read, after which he asks for additional explanation from the class. If the students are a bit slow he should try to get it over to them by questioning before proceeding to cover the points missed.... If the student knows that he will be required not only himself to understand, but to analyze and explain what he has read he will be much more attentive and think harder and that is the prime object of working class education — to add thinking capacity to direct and objectify the workers' resentment toward capitalist society." Keracher continued to hammer home his belief that worker education stood as the fundamental task of the socialist movement: "In the past we have not lacked theoretical basis for our movement, but in the consistent application of theory to practice we have been weak. So weak that the majority of the membership is badly confused as to the purpose of the movement — not to speak of the great army of workers outside. There is only one hope for the situation. THE WORKERS MUST BE TAUGHT. By its ability to master this Socialist knowledge the working class proves its fitness to assume control of society. In the struggle for emancipation, Socialist theory is the guide to correct action. Without it the movement flounders about aimlessly, dissipating funds and energy in fruitless effort."

The "Proletarian's"  first issue hit the street dated May 1918. The debut issue of the new paper laid out the fundamental principles of Keracher's faction in a lead editorial: "We will leave reforms of all kinds to those who think the present social system worth reforming. For our part, the revolutionary watchword, “the abolition of the system,” will be the keynote.  The workers must gain political power in order to get possession of the government. It will then be possible for them to use the institution of the State for its final function — the abolition of all classes by the socialization of the means of wealth production, to the end that the toilers, both intellectual and manual, will reap the full reward of their social labors." In the columns of "The Proletarian" could be found articles by Kohn (signed John O’London) and one by this writer titled “Letter to a Wage Slave.” In addition "The Proletarian" published an official statement by the National Secretary of the Workers’ Socialist Party, Lawrence Beardsley, with its endorsement. At that time, the Workers’ Socialist Party was not in a position to have its own journal.

There were two Kerachers — the pre-Russian Revolution one and the post-Russian Revolution one. Beyond question, the pre-Russian Revolution Keracher was a Marxist. This cannot be said unqualifiedly of his post-Russian Revolution position. The post-Russian Revolution Keracher was a Leninist-Marxist, caught in the dilemma of two “socialisms” — Marxian socialism as a system of society, and Leninist “socialism” as a transitional dictatorship of the proletariat. Yet, when the chips were down, Keracher’s Marxist background interfered with any blind conformity to Soviet dogma. Unlike most of those who were joining the Communist Party at this time, Keracher did not believe in an imminent Communist Revolution in the United States. He also opposed the formation of radical "dual" labor unions and later emerged as an opponent of the Communist Party’s exclusive reliance upon “underground” activity.  Keracher and his group in Michigan (including those associated with the group who lived outside that state) were expelled from the Communist Party charged with “Menshevism,” although Keracher himself continued to strongly support the Bolsheviks in Russia. Keracher and the Proletarian Party never got over its infatuation with the Russian social system and Keracher was still publishing a pamphlet as late as 1946 denying that Russia was an exploitative, class society. Adolph Kohn quipped: “The trouble Keracher is that he tries so hard to be Marxist and Bolshevik at one and the same time.”

 Distinct from the earlier Kerensky Revolution, the Bolsheviks and Lenin spoke the language of Marxism. It issued proclamations, the most stirring being the appeal to socialists in Germany and elsewhere: “We have seized power in our country, take power in yours and come to our aid.” It aroused emotional fervor and inspired the hope for international solidarity for the socialist revolution! Had a genuine socialist movement been predominant in Europe, there might have been a different story to tell. In the absence of a socialist majority, a socialist revolution was impossible, both in Russia and the rest of the world. Certainly the material conditions in Russia were not ripe for socialism in 1917. John Keracher, still the State Secretary of the SPA, also watched what was happening in Russia. As a Marxist, he was aware that circumstances in Russia were not really ripe for Socialism. But what if it could muster support from workers all over the world? Wasn’t there a role that the SPA could play to help? The Proletarian University became enthused with the Leninist doctrine of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat and joined in the efforts to organize a communist party in the United States in support of the Bolshevik regime.
Shortly after the Third International was organized, a referendum was initiated in the Socialist Party of America by the supporters of Soviet Russia calling for quitting the Second International and joining the Third International. This referendum was sponsored by three groups: the Left-Wing group, the Foreign Language Federation, and the Michigan group. The referendum was carried by a majority of ten to one. However, the Executive Committee of the SPA vetoed the referendum on the grounds that the result was “fraudulent.” After the veto of the referendum a call was issued for a national conference of t he three groups to formulate a national declaration of principles and to conquer the Socialist Party of America for "revolutionary socialism.” The charter of the SPA–Michigan was the first to be revoked on the grounds that it had amended its constitution to repudiate legislative reforms. The anti-reformist repudiation of "immediate demands." and anti-religious stand of the Michigan SPA inspired by the SPGB caused the charter of the SPA–Michigan to be revoked on the grounds that it had amended its constitution to repudiate legislative reforms and led to them being expelled by the SPA in early 1919. Keracher had indeed persuaded the Michigan SP to change the first clause in its Constitution so that the Party would no longer support reforms of capitalism; and he had also rewritten Clause II, regarding the role of religion in capitalist society,  amending their State constitution as follows: 'Any member, Local, or Branch of a Local, advocating such reforms or support organisations formed for the purpose of advocating such reforms, shall be expelled from the Socialist Party. The State Executive Committee is authorised to revoke the charter of any Local that does not conform to this amendment'. An attitude upon religion identical with that of the SPGB had also been adopted and enforced by the constitution of the following clause: "It shall be the duty of all agitators and organisers, upon all occasions, to avail themselves of the opportunity of explaining religion on the basis of the materialist conception of history as a social phenomenon."

Then in short order, both the Foreign Language Federation and the Left-Wing were expelled. In the ensuing meetings of the three groups, differences between them made it difficult to organize a communist party to represent America in the Third International. The delegates of the Michigan Socialists themselves were in a hopeless minority. Michigan's platform and policy drawn up specially for presentation as the basis of the  new party was superior to that of the Russians, which was adopted. If  the Michigan delegates had kept to their former and fairly clear position long since associated with the 'Proletarian' the chances for a new party here would be brighter. The Michigan group could not fit in with any other group but was tolerated on a technicality. To its credit, it had refused to accept any office or to affirm any responsibility for the programs that were adopted. It was finally settled by orders from the Third International in Moscow, to the exclusion of these factions as groups, who should constitute the Communist Party in the United States. In 1920, the central committee of the Communist Party ordered that the Proletarian University become a party institution under its supervision. The Michigan group refused to accept this decision and chose to leave the Communist Party for good. In June 1920, the Proletarian Party was organized by Keracher and his comrades. Draper describes it as a “small, self-satisfied sect.” Obviously he was no sympathizer. On March 29, 1923, the Executive Committee of the Communist International requested that the PPA liquidate itself and that its members join the WPA. The Proletarian Party answered aggressively in the negative, declaring that it could see no reason for renouncing "sound, constructive, and honorable revolutionary action" in order to be absorbed into the "fetid swamp of sentimentalism" known as the Workers Party. The group similarly declined to participate in the Trade Union Educational League, due to dissatisfaction with the tactics of TUEL which "makes cooperation practically impossible."

As the Proletarian Party grew, local branches emerged in at least 38 U.S. cities. Keracher moved from Detroit to Chicago in the early 1920s, the city where the Proletarian Party was thereafter based. "The Proletarian" was  an anti-Communist Party journal, but supported the Russian Dictatorship of the Proletariat. The Proletarian Party was “more communist than the Communists,” believing that the soviet were the transitional form of the proletarian state! ("The Proletarian", Jan. 1926).  A soviet, though, is merely a council. Applicable to the historic circumstances of developing Russian capitalism though it may be, no evidence is forthcoming that, in highly developed countries like England, U.S. and Germany, such special machinery will be needed to accomplish the proletarian revolution. The Proletarian Party, too, called for "the unfaltering support of the class-conscious workers everywhere” to “the movement of Anti-Imperialism among the backward nations,” because they “fight … the Imperial Capitalist Class.” A travesty on Marxism. The class conscious workers, everywhere, have nothing in common with the nationalistic struggles of backward nations. What lies behind the developing national consciousness of China, India, Nicaragua, Arabia? — the economic interests of different sections of the bourgeoisie. Countries like China, India and the rest, blossomed into capitalist countries. No longer are they merely sources of raw materials and markets for the disposal of commodities. The newly rising bourgeoisie in such backward countries find the ideologic expression of their economic and political needs in movements of nationalism. They are anti-imperialist only whilst being choked by the capitalist imperialism of England, the U.S., and the rest of the great powers. They aim at monopolizing for themselves the natural resources and the opportunities for profit by exploiting the workers of their respective countries.

The Proletarian Party retained its pro-Bolshevik stance while at the same time, maintaining its general stand against reformism as this 1928 quote from Keracher indicates "The Socialist Party [of America] and the Workers Party [Communist Party] are both parties of social reformism. Their election platforms are made up of capitalistic reforms, calculated to catch the votes of the petty bourgeoisie and the capitalistic- minded workers. Although they both claim to have for their object the ultimate establishment of a new social order, their immediate aim is the reforming of the present social system. Their appeals are mainly made to the small property owners and to those workers who desire to improve their lot within the confines of the capitalist system...The Proletarian Party is not a reform party. Its avowed purpose is the abolition of the present social order, the ending of the exploitation of labor by an idle parasitic class. It makes its direct appeal for the support of the workers as propertyless wage-slaves, not as “tax-paying” citizens, nor as charity chasers, seeking  a handout, or dole, from the capitalist state..."
Nor was Keracher a proponent of industrial unionism and explained that "The framework of the new social order requires no building within the old. It is already built — in the form of highly organized, socialized production, which by the way is in no way connected with industrial unionism. The task that presents itself is to abolish the present class ownership. Let us not fritter away our time dreaming about how affairs will be administered in the future social order. Let us rather take up the work of clarifying out movement; let us cast out the dross of legislative reform, and carry to the working class an uncompromising message, rallying them for the first step — the conquest of political power."
The Proletarian Party formally disbanded in 1971.

Appendix

The American secret police apparatus maintained a substantial network of professional agents and undercover spies observing and reporting upon a range of left wing and labour organizations in the early 1920s. This is the report on Keracher.

Warren W. Grimes, Special Assistant to the Attorney General.
DoJ/FBI Investigative Files, July 20, 1921

In 1916 two of the active leaders of the Left Wing movement at Detroit were DENNIS E. BATT and JOHN KERACHER. They considered even the Left Wing too conservative and decided to establish a new organization — which first took the name “Proletarian Club,” later becoming the “Proletarian University,” and after developing taking the name “The Proletarian Party.”By 1920 the Cleveland organization was 250 members. Buffalo was and continues to be one of the most active centers.

John Keracher.
Alias John “Kerr.” Alien (British subject) with first papers here. Born Dundee, Scotland, January 16, 1881. Arrived at New York in 1908 or 1909. Unmarried. First papers about 1915. Fed from Scotland, using the name John Kerr, to avoid payment of debts. (Apelman 8/18/
20).
Operates the “Reliance Shoe House,” 612 Dix Avenue, Detroit, Michigan. Admits being an alien and an active member of the Communist Party. (Apelman 1/9/20).
Arrested on immigrant warrant January 2, 1920 and proceedings cancelled on June 7, 1920. Record of hearing before immigrant inspector on file. Close friend of Isaac Ferguson. [ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Isaac_Ferguson ]
Delegate to first convention of the Communist Party of America (though he claims now he disapproved some of its actions and left the convention before its conclusion) and secretary of the Detroit local of the Party. (Kahn 10/31/19).
Secretary of the “Proletarian University” at Detroit and associate editor of The Proletarian — official organ of subject party. Keracher writes most of the articles in the organ.
When examined by the immigrant inspector, Keracher denied not only his membership in the Communist Party but also his belief in the objectionable features of the program. However, the evidence conclusively shows Keracher to have been a member of the national organization
committee, who, with Batt and others, including Alexander Stoklitsky, signed the call for the convention.
Keracher denies even his signature to this call, and the Department of Labor — contrary to the recommendation of its own inspector and in the face of a mass of conclusive evidence — believed Keracher.
Keracher has spoken in many cities on behalf of both the Communist Party (at first) and the Proletarian (later). He says his speeches are on “Socialism.”
His testimony shows him in a brazen disregard for the truth, to have entered the United States without proper inspection, and to have committed fraud upon the immigrant authorities at the time of entry."

Keracher was arrested during the so-called Palmer Raids conducted nationwide on the night of January 2/3, 1920. Although many in the Justice Department continued to believe Keracher was deportable as a resident alien holding political views which ultimately advocated "force and violence," deportation proceedings against Keracher were terminated by the Bureau of Immigration of the Department of Labor in June 1920.


Sources: 
Formation  of the Proletarian Party of America 
Role-modelling Socialist Behaviour, biography of Isaac Rab,  by Karla Doris Rab
The Head-Fixing Industry
Why Unemployment? 
Lenin article by Keracher
The Socialist Party's contemporary critique  of Keracher's anti-parliamentarianism:
Parliament or Soviet reply

Monday, November 23, 2020

Take Their Power from Them

 


The vast majority of our population live by, or are dependent on, the sale of labour power to industries and businesses owned or dominated by capitalists. They own no tools of production. They own no property. labourers in all trades and occupations, and their dependents, including scientists, engineers, technicians, mechanics. The capitalists know better than anyone else that their “free enterprise” is not free at all, where the monopolies and corporations have destroy the last vestiges of the small independent producers. Capitalism produced small wars. Capitalism produces world wars. Wars can be postponed but they cannot be prevented. The grip of the capitalists by means of their ownership and control of the means of life, their domination of government to maintain their power to rob and rule can, must be broken. Working class power is the essential condition for far-reaching social change.

 The immediate aim of the Socialist Party is the revolutionary transformation of society culminating the creation of a class-free and state-free society in which the guiding principle will be ’From each according to ability, to each according to need’. The immediate goal of the Socialist Party is to transform an economy based upon private ownership of the means of production with the aim of maximising profits for the capitalist class into an economy based upon common ownership of the means of production with the aim of maximising the satisfaction of the human needs of the people. 

 Despite the tremendous power of technology large numbers of people still lack nutritious food, decent housing and many other benefits of modern civilisation, simply because capitalist relations of production restrict the truly useful application of the forces of production. The, first step of socialism is liberating the productive forces by expropriation of means of production, the industrial and commercial concerns, from capitalist class. As the working class abolishes capitalist relations of production and replaces them by non-oppressive, non-exploitive ones then the alienating characteristics of capitalism will disappear. As  people gain control of their productive activity and the products of their labour so their antagonistic estrangement from each other and their aversion to work will be overcome. Productive activity will become once again a creative, fulfilling and truly human activity. The division between work and non-work will gradually disappear and people will freely choose what to produce rather than being constrained by immediate necessities.

 The capitalist system of production and social relations is antagonistic by its very nature. The purpose and the motive power of capitalist production is the derivation of profits. Under the conditions of capitalism, science as well as technology, whether consciously or unconsciously, serve the interests of capitalist profit. ‘Machines are a means for the production of surplus value..’ ["Capital" Volume I]  Capitalism, in developing new technology, pursues the purpose not of developing the forces of production to satisfy the requirements of society , but of increasing the profits. Therefore, capitalism introduces a new machine only when the difference between the price of this machine and the cost of labour-power that it replaces is sufficiently large to secure an average profit and successful competition in the market. Unemployment, under capitalism, is the inevitable consequence of technical progress.

 The buying of intellectual ownership rights, patents, maintaining secrecy in scientific research work such are everyday facts of industrial reality in capitalism. Under capitalism, the adoption of technical innovation and invention is always below the potential the level of scientific and technical development possible. Under capitalism, this discrepancy between technical possibilities and their industrial application becomes particularly great. Capitalism clips the wings of scientific creativity and technological initiative.  Even when scientific achievements are carried into effect are resulting only in worsening the conditions of millions of toilers, hence the latter are bound to treat them with indifference and hostility. As was written by Marx, "Under capitalism, to be a worker engaged in production is not a blessing, but a curse.Capitalism has clearly destroyed all the hopes that were entertained for the possibility of a lengthy period of prosperity without crisis. The liberating influences of labour-saving robotics and automation has become the  source of poverty and destitution for millions of workers. Millions of workers are shut out from the process of production; they are eager to work but they cannot find it. Others are engaged in non-productive labour, the gigantic machinery for suppressing the masses, the manufacturing of public opinion, and, lastly, service industries catering to the luxuries and whims of the bourgeoisie. Hundreds of millions toil from morning till night in factories, mines, plantations, burning away their stamina in a few years, turning old at 40. Hundreds of millions in agriculture are labouring in the sweat of their brow, under conditions which exclude the application of science and modern technique, to eke out the most miserable existence.

The most appalling part of capitalism is in the manner of how science and technology plays a role in wars and in in the preparations for wars. Research institutions and laboratories engage in the study of deadly weapons of warfare, rather than serve the needs of humanity.

Capitalism is the economics of the asylum.



Sunday, November 22, 2020

Capitalist Confusion or Socialist Clarity?


 We aim at replacing the present capitalist system by socialism, understood as a system where there will be common ownership of the means of production and distribution. Socialism is a society where political power is in the hands of the working people We envisage socialism as a society where the exploitation of man by man will be ended, where production will be used not for private profit, where a new relationship of fraternity will develop between peoples based on equality and independence, where individual men and women will find totally new possibilities to develop their abilities. We see the need to win the overwhelming majority of the population for the fight against capitalism and for socialism.

 

 One of the favourite arguments of the anti-socialists used to be that if everything produced in Britain was divided up equally, this would make very little difference in the standard of living of the workers. Even if this were true – and it is not – it has absolutely nothing to do with Marx’s conception of socialism. In socialist society, production is not for profit but for use. But the machinery and the products are not divided out in kind among the people. After all, to divide up the product according to work done or any other principle is to confess that there is not enough to satisfy everyone’s needs. In capitalist society a family which is able to afford as much bread as all members of the family need does not share out a loaf on any principle: every member of the family takes what he or she needs. And when production in a socialist society has risen to such a height that all citizens can take what they need without anyone going short, there is no longer the slightest point in measuring and limiting what anyone takes. When that stage is reached, the principle on which production and distribution are based becomes: from each according to ability, to each according to needs. Socialism, as Marx used the term, is when the means of production are owned by the people and therefore there is no longer any exploitation of man by man.

 

 Socialism implies much more than merely material sufficiency. From the time when the working class takes power and begins the change to socialism, a change also begins to take place in the outlook of the people. All kinds of barriers which under capitalism seemed rigid grow weaker and are finally broken down. Education and all opportunities for development are open to all equally. Class differences no longer exist. Everyone becomes an “intellectual,” while intellectuals no longer separate themselves off from physical work. Women are no longer looked on as inferior or unable to play their part in every sphere of the life of society. The barriers between ethnic groups are broken down. There are no races” in a socialist society; no one is treated as superior or inferior because of colour or nationality. Socialist society shows that it will mean the end of wars. When production and distribution in each country are organised on a socialist basis, there will be no group in any country which will have the slightest interest in conquering other countries. Democracy is not limited to voting for a representative in parliament every five years. In every factory, in every block of flats, in every aspect of life, men and women are shaping their own lives and the destiny of their country. More and more people are drawn into some sphere of public life, given responsibility for helping themselves and others. This is a much fuller, more real democracy than exists anywhere else. The difference between the town and the countryside is broken down. Vast changes also take place in the development and outlook of men and women. They will be people with an all-round development, an all-round training, people who will be able to do everything.  The self-seeking, individualist outlook bred by capitalism will have been replaced by a really social outlook, a sense of responsibility to society.

 

This  could only be regarded as Utopian by people who do not understand the materialist basis of society. Human beings have no fixed characteristics and outlook, eternally permanent. In primitive tribal society, even in those forms of it which have survived to recent times, the sense of responsibility to the tribe is very great. In later society, after the division of society into classes, the sense of social responsibility was broken down, but still showed itself in a certain feeling of responsibility to the class. In capitalist society there is the most extreme disintegration of social responsibility: the system makes “every person for oneself” the main principle of life.

 

But even under capitalism there is “solidarity” among the workers – a sense of common shared interest. This is not an idea which someone has thought of and put into the heads of workers: it is an idea which arises out of the material conditions of working-class life, the fact that they get their living in the same way, working alongside each other. Individualists, on the other hand, possess no sense of social or collective responsibility, such as the capitalist surrounded by competitors, each struggling to survive by killing each other off. These  ideas of the dominant class – the competition and rivalry instead of solidarity – tend to spread among the workers. But the fundamental basis for the outlook of any class (as distinct from individuals) is the material conditions of life, the way it gets its living. Hence it follows that the outlook of people can be changed by changing their material conditions, the way in which they get their living.



Saturday, November 21, 2020

What Socialists Aspire Towards


 In the warfare against class-rule and social wrong the Socialist Party was borne and will play its full part. The Socialist Party is attacking the very heart of misery and degradation which is capitalism. It is attacking the poverty growing heavier with every day, by calling for a society for the benefit of all people. The opponents of the Socialist Party say our goal is impractical and not feasible But we proudly stand for a change in the basis of present society - a change which would destroy the distinctions of classes and nationalities. The Socialist Party aims at the realisation of world socialism. For us neither geographical boundaries, nationality nor race makes rivals or enemies; for us there are no nations, but only varied and diverse fellow-workers. Socialism would substitute community of interest for conflict of interest.

 

The study of economics is no doubt necessary for socialists; the more a person knows of it, the more able he or she is to meet not only the sophistries of the ‘educated’ anti-socialist, but, which is still more important, the awkward and hard-to-be-answered questions which people who have never thought of these matters at all sometimes stumble on. The essence of socialism is that both the production and the distribution of goods will be carried on for the benefit of the community. What greater purpose is there than working to create a world that secures the health of our world and for the well-being of all our peoples? Our vision is one of communities cooperatively linked together and dedicated to protecting the planet and all who live on it.

 

Socialism will exist for the welfare of society, and will be co-operative in the widest sense. It would subordinate to the real welfare of society; i.e., the production of goods not  production of profits as the means for the ease and happiness of life. For instance, in any society it is desirable that cotton should be produced at the least expenditure of labour, but in a socialist society it would be impossible to condemn a part of the population to live under miserable conditions, conditions worse than that of others in order to reduce the expenditure of labour for the community.

 

There will be necessary work to be done which will repellent. Much of this could be automated when the restrictions laid on production by the exigencies of profit-making were removed. But perhaps a portion of this work may not be done by robots. For this volunteers would have to be relied upon; nor would there be any difficulty in obtaining them, considering that the habit of looking upon necessary labour from the point of view of social duty would be universal. Disagreeable work which a socialist society found itself saddled with as a survival of past times, and which it found out not to be necessary, it would get rid of altogether.

 

The hope of socialism that carries the future of mankind within it may well be buried under the ruins of civilisation collapse brought about by a nuclear war disaster or the environmental catastrophe. The madness will not stop and the nightmare of hell will not cease until the workers of the world stir from their slumber and embrace one another in brotherhood. Today, the organised and unified class movement is a shell of its former self. It hardly exists. The rise of a socialist movement depends today on the rise of a politically-conscious working class. The Socialist Party dedicates itself to the purpose of hastening and influencing such a development.

 

The socialist concern with community is reflected even in our language—“brother,” “sister,” and “comrade” are used to address people with whom we do not know, indicating that there are firm bonds of a common cause. Our vision is for a society where people will see their own good as being connected and dependent to the good of others. No more free of fear and envy, and instead both self and mutual respect. It is which we aim to secure, through the abolition of the capitalist private property relations. We hope that people will come to respect one another in ways that they cannot under capitalism.

THE WORLD FOR ALL


Friday, November 20, 2020

Common-Sense Socialism

 


The Socialist Party is often criticised for offering no details of the socialist society which would follow on from that system of waste and war which is capitalism. Our critics demand a concrete idea of what socialism will be like. To this the Socialist Party answers that we do not set ourselves to build up a system to please our tastes; nor are we seeking to impose it on the world in a mechanical manner, but that we are helping to bring about a development of history which would take place without our help, but which nevertheless compels us to assist it. Under these circumstances it would be futile to map out the conditions of life in socialism which would  so different. Those details will be taken care of by the men and women who will be fortunate enough as to be born into a society relieved of the oppression which crushes us, and who surely will be, not less, but more prudent and reasonable than we are. Yet we can say that the prospect of socialism cannot fail to rouse our imaginations and to picture ourselves when the revolution will put socialism within the reach of all. Because we are at war, class against class and man against man; all our time is taken up with that; we are forced to busy ourselves not with the arts of peace, but with the arts of war, which are briefly, trickery and oppression. Under such conditions of life labour can but be a terrible burden, degrading to the workers, more degrading to those who live upon their work. This is the system which we seek to overthrow, and supplant by one in which work will no longer be a burden. Fellow-workers, what you have to do is to determine that you will be men, not machines, and will have full control as a body over your own labour, that you will organise it for the good of each of you and all of you. If you determine on this whatever it may cost, and it is worth any cost, you will obtain it, with the suffrage or without it:

 

There is no programme worthy of the acceptance by the working-class that stops short of the abolition of private property in the means of production. Any other platform is misleading and dishonest. It has two faces to it, one of which says to the working people, "This is socialism or the beginning of it" (which it is not), and the other says to the capitalist, "This is sham socialism (which it is) so get your workers to accept it and it will save you."

 

We are of the working class because we have no meaningful ownership of the institutions that produce everyday essentials. We have nothing but our bodies and minds, that we are obliged to hire out to employers. We are compelled to carry out jobs with little fulfilment or satisfaction and we either work too long hours, or else not enough hours to make an income for even a basic living. All of this means that our lives are dominated by the capitalist economy. Only the wealthy ruling class benefit from this capitalist order. Our freedom will only come from common ownership, free access, and democratic control over the means of life. The Socialist Party’s object is to end capitalist exploitation and domination for good.

 

Once capitalist society is dead and buried, working people will find fulfilment beyond what is possible in today’s society. We have everything to gain from our collective liberation, real liberty and true equality. Such shared desires spur us to act together. Socialism must be worldwide or it is nothing! The system of capital that confronts us is thoroughly international; it reaches well beyond the boundaries of nation-states. Just as global capitalism, today’s working class crosses all national borders. Capitalism is a world threat, and only a globally-organised working class is sufficient for fighting it. Standing in the way of socialism is the capitalist class. They control the economic life of the planet They control the destinies of billions around the globe. The conditions of the people cannot fundamentally improve without the overthrow of the capitalists. The capitalist class is a powerful enemy  but there is a potentially stronger force opposing them: the vast majority of people all over the world.

 

The government serves the interests of the ruling capitalist class. The state suppresses and controls opposition to capitalism. It maintains social order to provide a stable environment for big business. It does this through the massive state apparatus. It also helps direct the capitalist economy and administer vital support services.

 

Socialism is a society of peace, prosperity and mutual aid. When cooperation has taken the place of competition there will be no outlet for war and destruction and the injuring of our neighbours and waste of our natural resources.

 

We are the SPGB,
The Socialist Party.
We teach you how you’re robbed and bled;
And show you how to build a workers’ world instead.



Green Cities

 Edinburgh and Glasgow have more green space than any of the UK's other 10 most populated cities. Edinburgh tops the list with 49% green space. Glasgow's total of 32% placed it second in the league table