Part of the aim of the socialist movement is the permanent elimination
of war. Modern warfare war threatens not merely suffering and death to
millions, but with the development of nuclear and biological weapons, the actual
destruction of human civilisation, and for humanity a return to barbarism. The
first step in the struggle against war is a clear understanding of the causes
of war.
The driving force of the capitalist mode of production is
the necessity for the continual accumulation and expansion of capital. This
necessity is inescapable. Capitalists must constantly attempt to expand
capital, in order to maintain profits. Capitalists of every major capitalist
nation are faced with the following situation: In order to sustain the system
which sustains them, they must find continuous outlets for capital investment
and re-investment; but the internal market, provided by the capitalist mode of
production within any single nation, is not, sufficient to re-convert into
capital values the values of commodities turned out even by existing capital
equipment, much less of new. Consequently, the capitalists of each nation are
forced to seek outlets for capital investment (and likewise consumer markets)
beyond the national borders. There must be added to this basic drive of capital
for accumulation, the closely related struggle for sources of raw materials,
for control of shipping routes, for the right to install military bases at
geo-political strategic points around the globe and for the ability to
manufacture in countries where the standard of living is lower than in the home
country, and the determination of the home capitalists to keep the home market
for their own purposes by tariff’s, and import quotas.
Since the world is limited in extent, since the areas available
for new forms of capital expansion and exploitation are growingly restricted,
conflict is not only likely but inevitable. The battles of the
capitalists are fought on a world-wide scale. Into the
neo-colonies and proxy-nations, those “spheres of influence”, flow the surplus
capital funds, imperiously demanding to be set to work at making profits. The
political arms of the capitalists – the governments of their respective
countries – are extended watchfully over the new investments. They are ever
ready to unseat a government by regime-change, intervene to stop “terrorism”,
stop or start a revolution, send a flotilla of warships or a regiment of
marines or declare a no-fly zone.
The truth of the matter is capitalist society is continuously
at war or constantly making preparations for war. The camouflage that war wears
– appearing as due to “national” or “cultural” or “religious” differences must
not be allowed to hide the fundamental conflicts which are the true source of
modern war. Though these other factors may provide the final push that sets
open war going or may modify the character of a war, there is nothing in their
own nature that must necessarily lead to war. They are the tools of the forces
making for war, not the cause of these forces. Modern war is neither accidental
nor due to the evil of human nature nor decreed by God. War is of the very
essence of capitalism, as much a part of capitalism as wage labour.
One misconception often made by anti-war campaigners comes
from the wide-spread belief that this struggle is somehow “independent” of the
class struggle in general, that a coalition of all sorts of persons from every
social class and group can be formed around the issue of stopping war, since –
so the reasoning goes – these persons may he all equally opposed to war
whatever their differences on other points. War is thus considered something
separate from its causes and conditions, an abstraction instead of a concrete
historical institution. Acting on this belief, attempts are made to build up
all kinds of permanent peace movements and anti-war alliances. At times they
seem to settle a war situation “peacefully”, this is only because the interest
of the dominant powers is against an immediate outbreak. Postponement serves
only to assure a greater conflagration when the time comes. They serve, in
point of fact, as additional means whereby the great powers can carry out their
aggressive aims. In practice anti-war pacifism aids war: by spreading illusions
about the nature of war and the fight against it; by shifting the energies of
honest opponents of war to a fictitious fight against it; by sugar-coating the
realities of capitalist society and thus making them – including war – more
palatable. Some anti-war activisits will be
preparing a betrayal when its leaders will decide that a particular
“humanitarian” crisis will make this war
different and call for the military intervention of the government. No, the
pacifist way is not the way to fight war.
The only way to get rid of war is to remove the cause of
war. War is not the cause of the troubles of society. The opposite is true. War
is a symptom and result, of the irreconcilable troubles and conflicts of the
present form of society, that is to say, of capitalism. The only way to fight;
against war is to fight against the causes of war. Since the causes of war are an
integral part of capitalism, it follows that the only way to fight against war
is to fight against capitalism. But the only true fight against capitalism is
the struggle for socialism. It therefore follows that the only possible
struggle against war is the struggle for the socialist revolution.
The Socialist Party is absolutely clear on this point. There
is no “separate” or “special” struggle against war. The struggle against war
cannot be divorced from the struggle of the workersto establish a socialist
society. No one can uphold capitalism – whether directly, as an open adherent
of the capitalists, or indirectly, from any shade reformist position – and fight
against war, because capitalism means war. Only a socialists can fight against
war, because only a socialist advocates the road to the overthrow of
capitalism. So to suppose, therefore, that the Socialist Party can ally
“against war” with non-revolutionaries is a disastrous illusion. Any
organisation based upon such a platform is not merely powerless to prevent war;
in practice it acts to promote war, both because it serves in its own way to
uphold the system that breeds war, and because it diverts the attention of its
members from the real fight against war. There is only one method to wage war
against war: socialist revolution.
Revolution can and will eliminate war because, by
overthrowing capitalist economy and supplanting capitalism with a socialist
economy, it will remove the causes of war. With socialism there will no longer
exist the basic contradictions that lead to war. The expansion of the means of
production, under the ownership and control of society as a whole, will proceed
in accordance with a rational plan adjusted to the needs of the members of
society. Socialism will remove the limits on consumption, and hence permit the
scientific and controlled development of production. Thus, inside a socialist
system, war will disappear because the causes of war will have been removed.
It is the business of the Socialist Party, upon the outbreak
of any war, to work to turn that war into a class war. The aim of the Socialist
Party includes the elimination of wars of all kinds and we know that this can
be accomplished only through one particular kind of war – the class war. All
the fine phrases and noble sentiments and even the deep sincerity of pacifists
are powerless against war, when not actually of assistance to the war-mongers. The
knowledge that this is true is hard for many, even for some socialists, to
accept. Many feel, it is important to share something in common the
non-revolutionary millions from the working class who oppose war. They appeal
for unity saying, we all agree in our opposition to war, in our repugnance to
its barbarity, its cruelty and horror, and we both share an earnest wish to put
an end to it. “Can we not all join together on this basis, leaving other
differences aside?” Surely, the addition
of the reformers will offer greater forces to defend ourselves against war and
its destruction and we will come into closer contact with them to win them
gradually to our side on other questions.
Such sentiments are mistaken whatever their appearances.
Socialists have little in common with these the anti-war opposition. The reason
for this is that those who oppose war do not really oppose war at all. They do
not, because they do not oppose the causes of war, and are not willing to take
steps to remove these causes – that is, take revolutionary steps. Their
“opposition” to war, therefore, is in the last analysis, a salve to soothe their
consciences.
The Socialist Party takes to the platform and addresses the
audience: “You believe you are opposed to war. Very well, we will take you at
your word. If you are opposed to war, you must want to get rid of the causes of
war. We will show you what the causes are ...” And proceed to demonstrate how
real opposition to war must lead to a revolutionary position. Some have come
into the socialist movement from anti-war activities. Many more will do so, if
we make an intelligent and clear approach to them. Their anti-war stand, if
carried to their logical conclusion must lead to a revolutionary understanding.
But too much should not be expected: economic interest the powerful propaganda
of the ruling class will, in the majority of cases, prevent anti-war activists
from accepting the full reasoning of our position. But not in all cases and the
Socialist Party does not ignore any avenue of approach. Thus the issue of
anti-war is correctly seen as rich potential for socialist education and
agitation. Workers honestly against war can be shown how only socialism will
eliminate it. It is, therefore, necessary for socialist to attend anti-war
protests and meetings not to pledge that “we are all engaged in a common
fight”, but to present openly and unequivocally the socialist analysis of war
and to show why all other analyses are wrong. It is the part of the duty of the
Socialist Party to expose where we can the war plans and diplomatic manoeuvers
of governments, offering analyses of treaty summits, armaments spending, and “war
games in order to make clear to the working class the exact level of threat of war,
and to pierce through the double-talk of the capitalist statesmen.
Some on the “radical” left propose the simplistic solution and
very deceptive slogan, of “a general strike to stop the war,”. A general strike
at the outbreak of a major war would be a revolutionary strike; only those who
are prepared to carry it through to the revolutionary capture of the State by the
workers can genuinely advocate it. It pre-supposes a tremendously advanced
conscious working class because without this such a crucial political action would
either evaporate or go quickly down in the uselessly spilled blood of the
strikers. The State, staking its existence on embarking upon –war – is scarcely
going to give up and accept defeat from abroad because of pressure at home and
since it is prepared to sacrifice the lives of its troops, killing strikers and
pickets to suppress the General Strike will scarcely register. Unless the
pressure at home is at a level of a social revolution to overthrow the State
and establish socialism then it must be prepared for defeat. War will be
defeated only by the revolutionary struggle of the workers. The real building
of socialism will be accomplished in the only way it can be accomplished by the
self-emancipation of the working class understanding and conscious of its
actions. Any other direction lies disaster, and the triumph of reaction.
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