Machines Continue To Take Over Jobs

The business section of the Toronto Star of May 9 had the lurid headline, "Canada loses 19,700 jobs in April." Further down the page we saw "Rise of the Retail Machines." The thrust of the article being that buying from deluxe vending machines is how people will shop in the future. Such products as cufflinks, health and beauty products, dresses, books, and much more are already stocked in the machines. Soon grocery stores could sell cooked chicken, meatballs, sandwiches and salads from machines. In other words, like the first headline, more unemployment for workers. Perhaps soon those who like to shop in a store will have two choices – on line or at the machine. Machines taking over jobs has been going on since the beginning of the industrial revolution and always at the expense of workers somewhere. It's time to put an end to insecurity of gaining a living! John Ayers.

Comic Book Capitalism

From the October 1978 issue of the Socialist Standard I don't know about you, but no matter the publication, I always read the letters page first. In Debbie a girls' magazine I recently came across a letter that struck a chord. It went on brightly about Blue Peter, show jumping — and then came the gem. "I don't get home from school until 5.30 and then I miss half the (TV) programme. And, knowing my luck, the part I miss is the best part." Like I said, that strikes a chord. If you are addicted to Debbie with its "Secret of Fear Island", "Up to Date Kate", "Little Miss Featherfeet" and so on, real life is "I miss the best part". As a past victim of "Cannonball Kid", "Trained to Bust-up a Baldy's Team", "The Tough of the Track", I feel that "I miss the best part." Let's fact it; The Hotspur, Wizard, Girls Crystal and the Rover have done us all a disservice. Having learned about the world from them — we always miss the best part. These comic books taught us that life was worthwhile; that it was exciting and dramatic. We were thrown out of school unprepared for that harsh series of cliches that capitalism really offers the young worker. "You will enjoy it here  . . . This job carries a good pension . . . There are excellent prospects of promotion . . . With this bonus scheme it is really up to you . . . Of course you must believe in the product . . ." Don't know about you, mate; I was unprepared for it. In the last frame of a Cannonball Kid story our hero is depicted on top of an open-decker bus being driven through cheering crowds. He then reflects — by means of a bubble coming out of his ear —"Ah well scored a hat-trick at Wembley and bust up a Nazi spy ring at school—I wonder what next year will bring." Unfortunately we are not thirteen years of age for ever. Too soon we are twenty or there abouts. So we start reading the Melody Maker or the New Musical Express. It's the same set-up though. Life is still worthwhile, exciting and dramatic. The only difference is that our villains are a little different. They are not cruel step-mothers who want to stop the ballet lessons (Debbie) or guys with big green heads from another planet (Eagle). Now the villains are the intriguing, mindless, unmusic-loving older generation. Perhaps after the Beano, Bunty, or Melody Maker you regressed to the Socialist Worker or the Socialist Challenge. The villains there are hard-faced businessmen, multi-national companies or 'right wing' trade union leaders. The heroes are Lenin, Trotsky or some other "working class heroes" who are going to do something for you. In actual fact, of course, life is not as simplistic as all that comic book nonsense would have us believe. George Orwell in an essay on Boys' Papers once speculated whether it would be possible to change the "right wing" bias of these young working class entertainments to  a more "left wing" bias. No doubt that excited some Maoist to bizarre notions of re-writing "I flew with Braddock" to "I marched with Mao" or some Socialist Worker zealot to contemplate the propaganda value of changing "Trained to Bust-up Baldy's Team" to "Trained to Bust-up Callaghan's Team". Such notions are best left in the nursery along with all the other junk of childhood. The real villain of the piece is the way that society is organised. Everything that is produced to-day is produced for sale; the whole purpose of production on modern society is to realise profits. Every worker — "Boring old fart" or "way-out revolutionary" included — is a victim of this vicious buying and selling system. The important thing is not to climb Mount Everest in your bare feet (as Wilson of the Wizard did) but to survive in the commercial jungle of capitalism. A man or woman is not judged by how fast he or she can run (I believe Wilson once ran the mile in 3 minutes) but how much he or she owns. The majority of the population own little or nothing but their ability to work, and have got to sell that ability for a wage or salary. No wonder they feel "they have missed the best part". The "best part" is reserved for the owners of the factories, workshops and commercial undertakings. The Socialist Party of Great Britain wants a new society;  a world where everything is produced solely for use; where the purpose of production is to satisfy human needs; a world without wages, prices or profits. This means a complete revolution in the economic basis of society. It means the whole world's resources are owned in common by the world's population. Such a gigantic transformation can only come about by the conscious act of a majority of the working class. A first step in that process is to leave behind the ideas of "heroes and villains" as portrayed in the comic books of our youth or the political comic books of the "right" or "left" wing. I started off by saying that I always read the letters page first. Well, here's one I came across in the New Musical Express. The publication was encouraging its readers to send in what they term "smart ass one-lines"; these are usually distinguished by being more than one line and not particularly smart. One of them struck me though as being rather less silly than most; it stated:- "Life is like a shit sandwich. The more bread you have, the less shit you have to eat." On Breadless Ones, ponder such wisdom. Dick Donnelly Glasgow Branch

Make socialism work

Socialism is based on the very simple idea that we should use the vast resources of society to meet people’s needs. It seems obvious that society should guarantee every person enough to eat, a roof over their heads, an education system and a health service accessible to all. In fact why shouldn’t everything be available for free, we have the capability of producing abundance and provide for all. Since Marx’s day critics have written libraries full of books about why socialism cannot work.

A socialist society will carefully plans its way of life and technology to be a harmonious part of our natural environment. This planning needs to take place on regional, national, and international levels and covers the production of energy, the use of scarce resources, land-use planning, the prevention of pollution and the preservation of wildlife. The clean-up of the contaminated world will be among the first tasks of a socialist society. It is fashionable in some quarters to locate the cause of the environmental crisis in the insatiable lust for “progress but before we condemn progress or growth, we must recognize that more is at stake in rejecting progress or growth than thwarting the undeniable rampant consumerism in the America and Europe.  Billions of the world's population lack even the basics of sustainable life, barely surviving in the midst of poverty, disease with inadequate shelter, food and water. Until the material means to rectify the sorry, inhuman plight of billions is available, progress and growth must continue. To deny them a future and make them pay the price for Western privileged waste and excess would be callous. Equality of sacrifice in the face of vast economic inequities cannot be the solution to environmental degradation.

Many environmentalists see the failure of either market-based or regulatory measures as a failure of political will. They believe that politicians have yet to recognize the dire consequences we face by ignoring the environmental crisis. While this may be true, it fails to recognize the acute limitations of market-based and regulatory solutions and the impossibility of their effectiveness in a global capitalist economy.  The political will is not absent because of ignorance, but because the political system is owned and controlled by the capitalists. Moreover, the global capitalist economy is fueled by profits and profits alone. And profits are sustained and expanded by turning everything material or immaterial into a commodity. As a commodity, nature's resources hold no value other than what can be attached to the pursuit of profit. It is the exploitation of human and natural resources-- labor and nature's bounty-- that is the grist for profit's mill. And capitalism puts profits ahead of nature as well as ahead of people. Both history and the logic of capitalist accumulation and expansion demonstrate the inevitability of waste and destruction. Only when environmental degradation impedes the process of accumulation and profit expansion will the capitalist system respond to the crisis; environmental scientists tell us that will be too late. We will have already reached the tipping point where runaway catastrophe will be irreversible.

Only a system that will replace the logic of profit-before-all with the broad interests of humanity possesses the answer. Only a system that can substitute common ownership for the short-term self-interest of private property can cope with the ecological crisis. Only a system that erases the artificial borders and boundaries of nation-states can meet our needs. The answer is quite simply: socialism. Environmental activists must embrace the socialist option. For socialists, the “ecological crisis” is not a crisis of ecology. It is not nature which is in crisis but society, and this crisis of society engenders a crisis of relations between humanity and the rest of nature. In our view, this crisis is not due to the human species as such. It is not due in particular to the fact that our species socially produces its existence by labour, which allows it to develop and gives substance to the notion of progress. It is due to the capitalist mode of development, to the capitalist mode of production (which includes a capitalist mode of consumption) and to the productivist and consumerist ideology of “always more” that flows from this. Capitalism does not produce use values for the satisfaction of human needs but exchange values for the maximisation of profit. This profit is monopolized by a minority fraction of the population: the owners of the means of production. They exploit the labour power of the social majority in exchange for a wage which is lower than the value of the labour supplied. The sole conceivable alternative to capitalism is a system which does not produce exchange values for the maximisation of the profit of capitalists but use values for the satisfaction of real human needs (that is, uncorrupted by commodification), democratically determined. A system in which collaboration replaces competition, solidarity replaces individualism and emancipation eliminates alienation. Indeed, such a new civilisation - corresponds to the definition of a socialist society.

Stop the Deportations

Students and politicians mounted a last-ditch bid to stop the deportation of a Pakistani student, who says his brother, uncle and cousin have been killed or “disappeared” in his home country for their political activity.

NUS Scotland, along with a number of SNP MPs, have called for the Home Office to urgently look again at the case of City of Glasgow College student Majid Ali, who is due to be deported imminently.

Language student Ali claimed asylum in 2011, telling the Home Office that officials in his home province of Balochistan enforced the “disappearance” of his brother. Ali claimed his family home was raided and his uncle and cousin killed two months ago. Ali himself was a student activist in the troubled region, before leaving for Scotland and his legal team have claimed he believes his life could be in danger if he were to return.

NUS Scotland president-elect Vonnie Sandlan said that Ali’s detention had happened very suddenly, immediately after he went to the local Home Office to sign some papers on Friday. “He never had a chance to pick up his belongings. He had his phone taken away and, after four years of building a life here, he never even got a chance to say goodbye to his friends and loved ones,” she said. “We are extremely concerned for his well-being, and very distressed that he is being deported regardless.”

Sanjay Lago, president of the City of Glasgow college students’ union, explained  “We won’t stop the campaign here, this has really opened the eyes of so many people about how this kind of deportation can happen to someone they know, and we’re going to fight to stop this happening again”.

Why we Struggle

RAISE THE RED BANNER OF SOCIALISM

Austerity has been criticised as an irrational policy, which further exacerbates the economic crisis by creating falling effective demand. However, this criticisms scarcely explains why such a policy persists, despite its ‘failure’. In reality, economic crises express themselves above all in a reduction of profitability of the capitalist class. Austerity constitutes a strategy for raising capital’s profit rate.

Austerity constitutes a strategy of reducing business costs. Austerity reduces the price of labour, increases profit per labour-unit cost and thus boosts the profit rate. It is complemented by institutional changes that, on the one hand, enhance capital mobility and competition and, on the other, strengthen the power of managers in the enterprise and share and bondholders in society. As regards fiscal consolidation, austerity gives priority to budget cuts over public revenue, reducing taxes on capital and high incomes, and downsizing the welfare state. However, what is cost for the capitalist class is the living standard of the working majority of society. This applies also to the welfare state, whose services can be perceived as a form of ‘social wage’. It is clear, therefore, that austerity is primarily a class policy. It constantly promotes the interests of capital against those of the workers, pensioners, unemployed and economically vulnerable groups. In the long run, it aims at creating a model of labour with fewer rights and less social protection, with low and flexible wages and the absence of any substantial bargaining power for wage earners.

Recession puts pressure on every capitalist to reduce all forms of costs, to more intensively follow the path of ‘absolute surplus-value’, i.e. to try to consolidate profit margins through wage cuts, intensification of the labour process, infringement of labour regulations and workers’ rights, massive redundancies, etc. From the perspective of big capital’s interests, recession gives thus birth to a ‘process of creative destruction’. There is a redistribution of income and power to the benefit of capital, and concentration of wealth in fewer hands as small and medium enterprises, especially in retail trade, are being ‘cleared up’ by big enterprises and shopping malls.

This strategy has its own rationality It perceives the crisis as an opportunity for a shift in the correlations of forces to the benefit of the capitalist power, subjecting societies to the conditions of the unfettered functioning of financial markets, attempting to place all consequences of the systemic capitalist crisis on the shoulders of the working people. This is the reason why, in a situation of such an intensification of social antagonisms like today, a government that wants to side with labour and the social majority cannot even imagine to succumb to pressures to continue implementing austerity policies.

The financial sphere is not simply the reign of speculation, it is not a casino, it is much more an overseeing mechanism. In his analysis in Volume 3 of Capital, Karl Marx illustrates that social capital is being occupied by two ‘subjects’: a money capitalist and a functioning capitalist. In the course of a lending process, the money capitalist becomes the recipient and proprietor of a security, that is to say a written promise of payment from the functioning capitalist, the manager. In Marx’s own words: “In the production process, the functioning capitalist represents capital against the wage-labourers as the property of others, and the money capitalist participates in the exploitation of labour as represented by the functioning capitalist.” Secondary contradictions between the managers and the big financial investors certainly do exist, but they are minor in comparison to the capital-labour class contradiction.

Every enterprise is Janus-faced, comprising on the one hand the production apparatus per se and, on the other, its financial existence, its shares and bonds, which are being traded on the global financial markets. The production of surplus value constitutes a battlefield situation where resistance is being encountered, meaning that the final outcome can never be taken for granted. Techniques of risk management, organized within the very mode of functioning of the ‘deregulated’ money market, are a critical point in the management of resistance from labour, and thus for promoting and stabilizing austerity. Financial markets generate a structure for overseeing the effectiveness of individual capitals, that is to say a type of supervision of capital movement. The demand for high financial value puts pressure on individual capitals (enterprises) for more intensive and more effective exploitation of labour, for greater profitability. This pressure is transmitted through a variety of different channels.

When a big company is dependent on financial markets for its funding, every suspicion of inadequate valorization increases the cost of funding, reduces the capability that funding will be available and depresses share and bond prices. Confronted with such a climate, the forces of labour within the politicized environment of the enterprise face the dilemma of deciding whether to accept the employers’ unfavourable terms, implying loss of their own bargaining position, or face the possibility to lose their job: accept the “laws of capital” or live with insecurity and unemployment. This pressure affects the whole organization of the production process. It therefore presupposes not only increasing “despotism” of managers over workers but also flexibility in the labour market and high unemployment. Hence, “market discipline” must be conceived as synonymous with “capital discipline.”

The working majority in practically every capitalist country will always be opposed to shrinking wages and precarious employment, to degeneration and cut-back of public services, raising the cost of education and healthcare, weakening of democratic institutions, strengthening of repression. They will always conceive the ‘crisis of labour’ (i.e. unemployment, precarious and underpaid work etc.) as a social illness that should be tackled by itself, not as a side effect of the recovery of profits. The continuation of austerity is therefore a matter of the social relation of forces. As Karl Marx commented on the limits of the working-day: “The capitalist maintains his rights as a purchaser when he tries to make the working-day as long as possible … On the other hand… the labourer maintains his right as seller when he wishes to reduce the working-day to one of definite normal duration. There is here therefore an antinomy, of right against right, both equally bearing the seal of the law of exchange. Between equal rights force decides.”

Under capitalism, the economic power of society is only used to produce goods which can be sold at a profit; if this cannot be done then nothing will be produced. The owners of the means of production would rather allow their businesses to sit idle than to produce at a loss, even if the things that could be produced are desperately needed. The capitalist economy is governed by profit not need, and for this reason is highly inefficient in terms of meetings society’s needs, despite what all the apologists of capitalism claim. We are frequently told that capitalism is the most efficient of all economic systems – yet if this were the case, why would factories and offices lie idle and empty, despite being able to produce an abundance of goods and services that society needs? If profit were removed from the equation there would be no barrier to using all the means of production at our disposal to their fullest extent.

For many, it is clear what we are fighting against but it can be harder to picture exactly what we are fighting for. Socialists are not crystal-ball gazers. We cannot predict the future with absolute certainty and so we cannot say exactly what socialism will look like. Society is not shaped by the speculation of past generations, but by the decisions and actions of the present. Nonetheless it is still possible to make some deductions about what socialism will look like by applying a materialist analysis to the development of history and society. In other words, we can make hypotheses about the future, based on the evidence from the present and the past. This is not a precise science that can predict exactly when a revolution will break out or the specific form that it will take but by looking at capitalist society we can see potentially what a socialist society will look like. This idea of an economy that isn’t run for profit gives us the first glimpse of what socialism will look like. Socialism means the end of a society in which human beings are oppressed and exploited by other human beings. It means an end to private property and an end to profit and the anarchy of the market. A socialist society would be able to plan in the interests of the needs of the many, instead of the profits of a few. This is the foundation of a society of abundance, in which all the forces of economic production are rationally and democratically planned in the interests of the majority. Instead of alienating us from our work, socialism will gives us a real stake in the economy and in society, by giving us collective ownership over it. The work itself will therefore have a more direct purpose and be clearly for our own benefit and the benefit of others around us, instead of paying dividends for far away investors.

For people to be able to genuinely participate in the democratic running of society they must have the time to do so. Under capitalism, the length of the working week and the pressure of day-to-day life mean that the vast majority are completely divorced from political activity. For someone working long hours or two jobs, the last thing they are capable of or willing to do with their evenings and weekends is attend meetings on proposed. In a socialist society, where the efficiency of technology and automation has greatly reduced the hours of the working day, people will finally have the free time necessary to participate fully in how society is run. By placing the economy under genuine democratic control of the working class, people will also have the motivation to participate thanks to the knowledge that their thoughts and actions can make a tangible difference. At the heart of socialist democracy, therefore, is the ability for society to actually be able to implement the decisions it makes.

 Socialism does not mean an immediate end to all of the world’s problems and the creation of a paradise in which everyone lives happily ever after. It does promise a system where humans can stop destroying themselves and their planet, and instead begin to take conscious control of their own lives. From a capitalist’s point of view, destroying the planet is an acceptable price to pay for higher profits, not least because it is the world’s poorest people who will be the ones who bear the brunt of extreme climate change. When it comes to climate change socialism is the only thing that can save us from destroying the planet by reducing emissions to mitigate climate change which would contribute to solving the most serious problem facing all life on earth today. The technology already exists to harness the energy from wind, waves and sun, which could be used to power the entire planet. This is not done because it would be an unprofitable exercise for those capitalists who have built and invested in enormous fossil fuel companies. Capitalism is incapable of planning for the future, interested as it is only in short term gain.

Nobody's Fault?

Who does the government work for? In April, Oklahoma experienced a very rare earthquake of 5.7 magnitude. State officials told a homeowner sustaining significant damage that the state's largest ever quake was 'an act of nature and nobody's fault.' Scientists disagree. They say those quakes and thousands before and since, are caused by wells used to bury vast amounts of waste water from oil and gas exploration deep in the earth near fault zones. There is no limit to the lengths capitalism will go to hide its dirty laundry nor to the size of lies told by their lackeys. (New York Times (April 18) John Ayers

This is what socialism is

Socialism has been attacked many times. Socialists are reproached with every kind of criticism. A condition for the success of Socialism is that its adherents should explain its aim and its essential characteristics clearly, so that they can be understood by everyone. We must do away with many misunderstandings created by our adversaries (and some created by ourselves). The main idea of socialism is simple. Socialists believe that society is divided into two great classes by the present form of property-holding. As long as society is divided into classes, so long will the social system be founded on the distinction of a ruling class and subordinate class.  There is a multitude of human beings; they possess nothing. They can only live by their work. Under capitalism, people are divided on the basis of class. There are the 1%, who own the wealth and the means to produce wealth, and the rest of us, the 99%, who sell their labour to produce profit for the 1%. Socialism means the elimination of these class barriers and the organisation of production and resources to enable all people to live fulfilled lives and to ensure environmental sustainability. The elimination of economic divisions in society will create an equitable justice system that ensures fairness for all people.

Working people have dreamed of a world of freedom and equality, an end to exploitation and misery. In a capitalist system, production takes place for profit, not for human need or benefit. Food is a commodity that is sold for a profit, not a right or a thing that should be made available to everyone because they need it to survive. Rather than use our society’s resources to abolish hunger and feed everyone for free, businesses compete with one another for market share and profit. This means there is a constant drive by producers to expand and grow more and more, regardless of the ecological and human costs. The ruling class thrives on the exploitation of both workers’ labour and the environment. Vast resources are poured into avoiding environmental regulations and driving down (or outright stealing) workers’ wages. The majority of the population — having no other way to survive — are forced into selling their labour on the market, becoming commodities themselves. Such a system produces enormous inequality.

Under capitalism, democracy ends at the entrance to the workplace. The interests of business owners and their drive for profit take precedence over the rights of workers. Socialism will allow for a democratic system in which the people collectively participate in decision making and have full democratic control over the economy. Socialism means workers gaining democratic control over their workplaces within a framework of democratic control of the economy and the prioritisation of human need and environmental sustainability. A socialist solution would be motivated by preservation and climate justice, not profit, and would distribute resources more effectively than a profit based system, in which two-thirds of the world’s food is wasted for profit generation.

The anti-capitalist movement has a strong conviction that the existing order of things is unjust, however, there is only a vague idea of what it is fighting for, as opposed to what it is fighting against. The idea that it is possible to create alternative societies – ‘islands of socialism’ – within capitalism, is not new. Is it possible to escape and create an alternative lifestyle within capitalism? To some degree it is possible, but only for a small minority and only to a very limited extent. Small groups can do so, but it does not offer a solution for the mass of the population. Some argue that co-operatives, run on a ‘fair’ and ‘equitable’ basis, could gradually prove themselves to be more efficient than capitalist firms and that, therefore, they could come to dominate the economy. Unfortunately, there is overwhelming evidence that this is no more than wishful thinking. Understandably, when faced with the closure of a workplace, groups of workers sometimes resort to establishing workers’ co-operatives to avoid redundancy. Far from representing a means of changing society, however, these co-operatives are subject to the laws of the capitalist society they exist in. This usually means that they fail because they cannot compete with ‘unfair’ capitalist companies, or capitalist relations resurface with increasing tensions between the workforce and the new management. It is not possible to escape the reality of capitalism.

The move towards socialism requires participation of passionate individuals working collectively, who believe that another world is possible and that, more importantly, the working class has the power to build it. The purpose of the Socialist Party has always to make socialists. Without a conscious politically organised majority in the working class socialism is impossible. Socialism has to be the work of the working class itself and without this socialism cannot be. The lie that capitalism brings prosperity and happiness needs to be exposed and dispelled. Socialists seek something different, not a new boss, in place of the old boss but the end of bosses. We cannot continue to defer to the lesser evil of reformism and reformers. We need to build our own party that can fight not only against the daily exploitation of capitalist society, but struggle to overturn the whole system, putting the workers themselves in power. A socialist party, however, doesn’t mean simply running our own candidates, it also means building an organisation that unites the whole working class geographically and politically, and sustains that resistance beyond episodic or momentary eruptions. Without organisation struggles can often dissipate in the face of repression. We are a long way from being that mass party, but that shouldn’t stop us from recognising the need today to consciously take the steps to build it one step at a time. This generation must declare war on capitalism and take up the banner of socialism.

Humanity can produce everything it needs without polluting environment or plundering the planet. Working people - those who create the wealth, make things run, invent new technologies, educate our children, care for the sick and build the future - will democratise and transform society. At the same time, they will also breathe democratic life into every sphere and institution of society.

A SCOTTISH RED HERRING

From the August 1939 issue of the Socialist Standard

The self-styled democratic champions of the British Empire are wont to ignore the violence and intrigue which have contributed to its upbuilding, not only abroad, but in these islands.

When their attention is called to these factors by foreign dictators they take refuge in the feeble excuse that it all happened a long time ago; an excuse which seems to make very little impression upon the spokesmen of movements for "national liberty."

In the case of Ireland we have had violent examples, recently, of the bitterness which still survives (in spite of a partial self-government), as a result of centuries of oppression. In Scotland a similar sentiment takes a more pacific, but none the less definite form.

The Scottish National Party is endeavouring to enlist the support of workers there, on the ground that they are worse fed and housed than their fellow-slaves in England, and that there is a larger proportion of their number out of work. It proposes a whole series of reforms for the special benefit of workers in Scotland, such as increased wages, shorter hours, better housing, and public works, holidays with pay, etc., and with this avowed end in view, calls for the restoration of the Scottish Parliament, which voted for its own extinction some two hundred and thirty-odd years ago.

Our readers will notice the extremely moderate nature of the claims and proposals of this Party. It dare not, in face of patent facts, suggest that the position of the English workers is a happy one, in spite of centuries of self-government and generations of working-class enfranchisement. It does not claim that Home Rule for Scotland will abolish unemployment, slums, underfeeding, etc; it merely hints that they can be reduced thereby to the English level. Scottish workers may well ask themselves whether it is worth their while to go through so much to get so little. Other reform parties in the past, such as the Liberal and Labour Parties, both in England and Scotland, have at least held out a more glittering bait than this. Hence, perhaps, no stampede of Scottish workers to the National Party has so far been recorded.

Moreover, the logic of the Nationalists, even with regard to their limited claims, is decidedly faulty. It is notorious that there are several districts in England, chiefly in the North, knows as depressed areas. These areas can show more intense degrees of poverty than obtain in certain other parts of the country. Is this to be explained by saying that the Government is concentrated in the hands of Southerners or is situated in the South? Would the state of affairs be appreciably altered if an independent seat of government were set up in Barnsley or West Hartlepool?

In their leaflet "Crisis!" the Scottish National Party bemoan the extent to which work has been transferred from Scotland to England soil by the railway companies, and the number of factories which have been closed in the former country as compared with the latter. It may not be out of place to remind them that English capitalists do not hesitate to close works in Lancashire and open others in India or China, when it proves profitable, and no British Government has shown either ability or willingness to interfere with this process. Capitalists are not primarily concerned with geographical boundaries or the nationality of the people whom they exploit.

On the other hand, the Scottish nation, whether independent or united with England, is divided into classes, as is society elsewhere. It is this division which accounts for the existence of the evils from which the Scottish workers suffer. English rule did not account for the fact that the depopulation of the Scottish Highlands led to the congestion in its industrial slums. The Scottish chieftains themselves turned out their own clansmen in order to make way, first for sheep and later for deer, in order to fill their own pockets. The notorious Duchess of Sutherland, for example, had 15,000 people hunted out in the six years 1814-20, and called in British soldiers to enforce the eviction. The political union merely facilitated the development of capitalist robbery with violence.

Thus the history of Scotland, while differing in detail from that of England, followed the same general course. By their divorce from the soil, a nation of peasant cultivators were converted into wage-slaves, exploited by a class ready to convert the world into one gigantic market. The forces of competition thus let loose may be held in check to some degree by national legislatures, but no final solution for the havoc they create can be found along such lines. The problem is essentially an international one, and must be internationally solved. That, however, calls not for National parties, but for parties in all countries which clearly recognise the common interest of the workers of the world, namely, to achieve their emancipation as a class.

When the workers get upon the right track of understanding their position they will cease to worry their brains over comparatively trivial differences in their conditions, whether as between nations or between districts or separate towns. They will recognise that they suffer varying degrees of poverty because at present they exist merely to produce profits for their masters, and that it is a matter of comparative indifference to them whether these masters are English or Scots, Germans or Japanese.

Their aim will be to abolish masters of every nationality and to organise the production of wealth for their common good.

Eric Boden

This is Real Socialism

"While theologians are disputing the existence of a hell elsewhere, we are on the way to realising it here: and if capitalism is to endure, whatever may become of men when they die, they will come into hell when they are born." – William Morris

Socialists reject the argument that the wealthy deserve their wealth because that wealth is created by the working class and wrongfully appropriated by the rich who benefit disproportionately from their unpaid labour. The socialist idea of revolution was always one of the vast majority of society seizing power from a tiny minority of capitalists for the common good of all. The goal of the Socialist Party is socialism and we argue for an authentic social revolution. The Socialist Party’s aim is a classless society based on the common ownership and democratic control of the industries and social services administered in the interests of all society. Production will be carried on for  use instead of profit and this revolutionary change can only be achieved through the class conscious action of the working class itself.

Socialists wish to replace the State with a society self-managed by the people, and replace capitalism with socialism. Socialism is a money-less system in which the means of production are owned and controlled by the workers and the people of the community, rather than by capitalists. The creation of a socialist society would mean that production would be carried out for human need, instead of for capitalist profit; and that every person would have access to that which is necessary for a happy life. In today’s world production is carried out to make money, not to provide for all the people with needs — this is why millions of people starve when there is plenty of food. The end of capitalism would mean the end of poverty, hunger and of economic strife between nations – the root cause of war. The capitalist economic system lies at the root of all of modern society's major social and economic problems. Abolish strife-breeding capitalism and those problems are either eradicated or left to die.

The Socialist Party has long contended that only socialism can solve the major social and economic problems plaguing our society today. But many people have been taught all their lives that "socialism" means the state-controlled system that once existed in the Soviet Union, exists today in China or Cuba, or bureaucratic state control of society in general. The socialism advocated by the Socialist Party, however, is completely different from the Soviet or Chinese systems, or any existing system. It has nothing to do with nationalisation, a welfare state or any kind of state ownership or control of industry whatsoever. On the contrary, it would give power not to the state, but to the people themselves, allowing collective control of their own economic future. Far from being a state-controlled society, socialism would be a society WITHOUT a state. Marx once said that "the existence of the state is inseparable from the existence of slavery." Consonant with this truth, socialism would have administrations, but not a separate, coercive body standing above society itself -- a state. The people themselves, through the democratic associations of workers, would be the “government”. Far from being a bureaucratically controlled system, socialism would bring democracy -- the rule of the people -- to all parts of our lives

Socialism means a classless society. Unlike under capitalism, where a tiny minority owns the vast majority of wealth and the means of producing it, everyone would share equally in the ownership of all the means of production, and everyone able to do so would work. There wouldn't be separate classes of owners and workers. The economy would be administered by the workers themselves through democratic "associations of free and equal producers," as Marx described it. The people collectively would decide what they want produced and how they want it produced. The producers – the workers- would control their own workplaces and make the decisions governing their particular industry. As Engels once described it, socialism would be a system in "which every member of society will be enabled to participate not only in the production but also in the distribution of social wealth."

Socialism can only be built by a working-class majority in a developed, industrialised society. Without a majority and the ability to eliminate scarcity of needed goods and services, creation of a classless society will be impossible. In a socialist revolution, the industrially organized workers take possession of the means of production, abolish capitalist- class rule and supplant the state by the self-organisation of communities. The Socialist Party is needed to educate the working class and to recruit workers to the socialist cause.

Although no blueprint can possibly exist for what the workers themselves must ultimately build, socialism's general mode of operation can be broadly described. In every factory, every office and every workplace in socialist society, the workers themselves will meet in democratic assembly to determine their own workplace policies and elect committees to administer and supervise production. To administer production at higher levels, the workers will also elect delegates to local, regional and global councils of their respective industry but also to bodies  representing all other industries and services. This all-industry congress will ascertain what goods and services are wanted and will determine the resources needed to supply them. It will draw up the necessary plans to carry out production and allocate the resources. All persons elected to posts in this economic administration, at whatever level, will be subject to recall and removal whenever a majority of those who elected them deem it desirable. Instead of economic despotism, socialism means economic democracy. Instead of production for sale and the profit of a few, socialism means production to satisfy the human needs and wants of all. We all will be useful producers, working but a fraction of the time we are forced to work today. But we shall not only be useful producers, we shall all share equitably in the wealth we produce.

Under capitalism, improved methods and machinery of production kick workers out of jobs. Under socialism, such improvements will be blessings for the simple reason that they will increase the amount of wealth producible and make possible ever higher standards of living, while providing us with greater and greater leisure in which to enjoy them. With socialism, we shall produce everything we need and want in abundance under conditions best suited to our welfare, aiming for the highest quality with minimum harm to the environment, conservation and replacing our natural resources. We shall constantly strive to improve our methods and equipment in order to reduce the hours of work. We shall provide ourselves with the best of everything. It will be a society in which everyone will have the fullest opportunity to develop his or her individuality without sacrificing the blessings of cooperation. Freed from the compulsions of competition and the profit motive socialism will also be a society of peace. Socialist society will be a society of secure human beings, living in harmony with nature.

The world has the productive capacity to provide a high standard of living for all, to provide security and comfort for all, to create safe workplaces and clean industries. The only thing keeping us from reaching these goals is that the workers don't own and control that productive capacity; it is owned and controlled by a few who use it solely to profit themselves.

The poor die young

A MAN’S life expectancy in Scotland can vary by as much as 34 years depending on where in the country he was born. The astonishing gap — which is widening and is equivalent to almost half a man’s average lifespan — is revealed in a NHS report on the state of the nation’s health.

It shows a boy born in Whitehirst Park and Woodside in Kilwinning, North Ayrshire, a rural pocket of southwest Scotland, could expect to live to about 92, whereas a boy born in Greendykes and Niddrie Mains in Edinburgh is unlikely to live much beyond 58.

The Choice is Ours

In the Communist Manifesto Marx and Engels write “The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles….a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary re-constitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes” The Marxist scholar Hal Draper explains this as “either a revolution that remakes society or the collapse of the old order to a lower level.” Engels restated this in his Anti-Duhring. He writes that the modern working class must make the socialist revolution or else face “…sinking to the level of a Chinese coolie,” while the bourgeoisie is “a class under whose leadership society is racing to ruin like a locomotive [with a] jammed safety-valve…” For the capitalist class, “…its own productive forces have grown beyond its control, and…are driving the whole of bourgeois society toward ruin, or revolution”. When the capitalist system turns most people into proletarians, “…it creates the power which, under penalty of its own destruction, is forced to accomplish this revolution.” Socialist revolution is not inevitable. But if it is not made, society faces ruin and destruction, with the working class reduced to the level of the starving, super-exploited, Chinese workers of that time. Therefore the working class and its allies should consciously and deliberately decide to make the revolution. Rosa Luxemburg, said the alternatives were “socialism or barbarism.” Luxemburg wrote, “In relation to capitalism as a whole, that society’s objective development merely gives us the preconditions of a higher order of development, but that without our conscious interference, without the political struggle of the working class for a socialist transformation… [socialism will never] come about.” If capitalism is left to itself, continuing to operate blindly by its own laws, it will eventually collapse into barbarism. To prevent capitalist collapse and barbarism requires that the working class make a conscious decision to overthrow it and create a new society. Socialism is not a gift to be given to the working class. It must be fought for and won by the working class itself. There are many possible forms of catastrophe in which capitalism may end, and there are many different ways in which a revolution may happen. There are many possible concrete ways in which “socialism or barbarism” may become realised. Ruin or revolution!

As a system, capitalism creates the possibility of socialism. This includes a high level of productivity, higher than ever before in the history of humanity; the proletariat, a collective working class, trained in cooperation and joint action by the system itself, living in the centers of capital production, and international in scope. In many ways capitalism pushes the workers to move toward a new, cooperative, world order. It also has mechanisms for holding back the struggle, for dividing the workers into a million distinct groupings. The better-off workers may feel satisfied and conservative. The worse-off workers may become demoralized. But capitalism finally threatens the workers, and all who live under its sway, with catastrophe, mass destruction, and barbarism, and this also pushes the workers to overthrow it, to end it, and to build a better society. This will not happen inevitably. It is a matter of struggle, of consciousness, and of making a collective decision—of breaking with fatalism and mechanism. It requires the efforts of the big majority of workers and oppressed.

James Connolly once said "The day has passed for patching up the capitalist system, it must go." He also said “Our demands most moderate are – We only want the earth!” The danger of reformism is clear for all to see, with any social democratic or labour party that has ever been in existence being dragged always to the right by the flawed idea that by creating a catch-all broad front based on reforming capitalism, with socialism as some 'abstract' distant goal. Trying to create a mass movement of people united against austerity attacks is one that must be supported, however not providing a clear and detailed path towards a socialist society to that mass movement, and trying to convince them of socialism as a "long term aim" is a mistake. We don't need to wait until sometime in the future, the time has arrived. A party without a clear programme towards socialism will be mired in long term reformism. Socialists must have trust in the working class. In reality, it shows a lack of confidence in the socialist case.

Each day life itself is more and more forcefully presenting people with the question: capitalism or socialism? The Socialist Party says that socialism is the solution. The necessity for socialism arises, in the first place, from the struggle of the working class for emancipation from capitalist wage-slavery. In addition, it is only through socialism that society can overcome the chaos and crises of capitalism and bring the social relations between human beings in harmony with the productive forces and the level of social development. The change from capitalism to socialism is absolutely necessary in order to open the way for the all-around progress of humanity. From its very emergence, the working class has been locked in a struggle against capitalist exploitation and the capitalist class. Workers have won some victories in their economic and political battles but still the fundamental problem remains unresolved and the same issues come up again and again. The vast majority of the workers still live in a state of insecurity. Workers’ gains are again under attack as the capitalist government keeps stripping away vital welfare safety-nets. The root of the problem is precisely the capitalist system which, at its very foundation, is based on the exploitation of wage-labour. Under capitalism, society's means of production (the tools used to transform nature and satisfy the needs of human beings) are owned by a tiny percentage of the population. Thus the working class – the class whose labour produces all new values – is separated from the implements of labour and the workers have no way to secure a livelihood except by selling their labour-power, day in and day out, to the capitalist owners. The capitalists in turn exploit the labour of the workers, returning in wages only a small fraction of the new values created by the workers. Under capitalism, the living human labour of the workers is looked upon solely as a means for enriching the capitalist owners. Capitalism recognises the worker only as a beast to be exploited.

Anyone who thinks even for a minute about the enormous productive capacity of our planet cannot but ask: why with such modern means of production unable to guarantee the economic rights and well-being of the masses of people? Why is the curse of unemployment and the plague of falling wages and living standards undermining the lives of millions? Why, in a world with such modern medical facilities, do millions of people go without needed medical care?  The answer comes almost as soon as the questions are posed. It is the capitalist system which is holding back the vast productive forces at the disposal of our planet. Capitalism has failed the entire world.

The Land War

432 people own half of Scotland’s private land, ten per cent owned by 16 individuals or groups while 0.025 per cent of the population owns 67 per cent of Scotland’s rural land. In terms of distribution of ownership, Scotland is one of the most unequal countries in the world.

Dr Jim Hunter, historian and land reform expert, says:

“There’s nothing like that anywhere else in Europe, and the reason for that is based in history. If you go back a couple hundred years, the pattern of land ownership was very similar, it would have been roughly the same concentration across Europe – the difference is that other European countries have at various times in the last hundred years had sweeping land reforms, which has changed the pattern completely, sometimes in the shape of revolution, sometimes through legal or constitutional reform. In Denmark, for example, land ownership was reformed over 200 years ago before they had democracy – the monarchy decided to take land ownership away from the aristocracy and give it to its tenants, in an owner-occupier system.

He continues: “Land reform in Europe has almost always meant shifting ownership from the landowners – in Scotland, historically, aristocrats – to their tenants, though in Scotland the move has been more towards community ownership, which is quite different. The idea of reforming land ownership was started by the Tory government, then pushed on by the Labour-Lib Dem administration in Scotland, but interestingly, since the SNP took power, the steam has gone out of the reform. In fact up to now they’ve done nothing at all.” 

Have labour power, will travel

From the August 1997 issue of theSocialist Standard Inside a feudal, pre-industrial society it could be said of the majority of those who worked that they would live, work, marry, procreate and die within walking distance of the place in which they were born. Modern capitalism has changed all that. The needs of the market have torn asunder all the old social ties of community. Families are spread all over the world as workers desperate for employment seek to sell their labour power wherever possible. They enter into competition with resident workers and thus the seeds of suspicion and hatred are sewn. The driving force of capitalism is competition. Capitalist against capitalist for a bigger share of the product of labour. Worker against worker in the search for a job.It is into this desperate struggle for a job that various politicians spread the poison of nationalism and racism. This poison is world-wide. In France at the recent election, one-in-ten voted for the openly racist, anti-immigration National Front. Every European country has its adherents of the same political poison. In the United States of America various America-first groups scream abuse at Mexican and Central American immigrants. In Africa tens of thousands of refugees cross borders escaping the growing tribalism that mirrors the ethnic cleansing of eastern Europe. Everywhere you look modern capitalism presents the same awful tragedy of lives ruined by the obnoxious hatreds of xenophobia. Inhuman nature So widespread is this nationalistic nonsense that many defenders of capitalism can claim that it is an innate human trait. These people talk glibly about "human nature" when dealing with such horrors as Zaire or Serbia. Socialists do not share that view. Far from being innately murderous and competitive human existence itself was only possible because of a history of co-operation and tolerance. In order to survive in a hostile environment human beings had to be theuniquely social animal. We do not deny the existence of such horrors as Hiroshima or Buchenwald, but we know that these are the products of a property-based society that alienates and destroys all decency in its drive for more and more profit. The product of a Glasgow slum does not travel to a remote island in the South Atlantic to maim the slum product of Buenos Aires because of some genetic urge. Behind all these atrocities lies the capitalist imperatives of markets and sources of raw materials. A world to win It is but one of the many paradoxes of capitalism that it has shrunk the world only to divide society into smaller and smaller fragments. That it has progressed at breakneck speed in the fields of travel and communication yet it has divided and alienated us from our true humanity. Technically we can travel half-way round the world in a day, communicate instantly with almost anyone on the planet; and yet find ourselves artificially divided on the basis of differences of custom, language, diet, culture and skin colour. Capitalism is a frightening, hate-filled system that turns everyone's hand against everyone else. Inside socialism, where the whole Earth is the common property of the whole world's population, we will all be able to travel our planet to work wherever we desire, safe in the knowledge that our brothers and sisters will welcome us on whichever shore we land. That is the aim of the World Socialist Movement. Shouldn't it be yours? Richard Donnelly Glasgow Branch

Organising for a Better World

The Socialist Party position is often caricatured yet our goal is a society in which capitalist class oppression has been ended. And in which exploitation, oppression, all forms of discrimination, war, are all ended. We have a society in which there is no state. We have a society within which the resources, the wealth of society, are owned in common and managed democratically by society at large. For that to be achieved, the working class first of all has to get rid of the capitalist system; has to get rid of the private ownership of the means of production. It has to bring about the rule by the working class and that achievement has to be an act by the working class itself. The act of changing society, that revolutionary act, that transformative act by the working class is, in a sense, the most democratic act ever in history; it is the majority class in society acting in its own interests to change society for the benefit of all humanity, now and in the future.  So, the first thing is that the party has to be socialist, needs to understand what it is about, needs to have a clear understanding of its ultimate objective and needs to try to inspire millions and millions of people about that objective. What could be more inspiring than getting rid of poverty, getting rid of oppression, getting rid of the exploitation of the vast billions on the planet? It is a goal that could mobilise millions of people and it is one that we shouldn’t shy away from. It must be our aim to build a mass party. We cannot achieve the socialist transformation of society, without a party that comprises millions of people. Not small ‘revolutionary’ parties acting in their own name, their own interests, but a mass party. Because if the act of changing society is the act of the working class itself, then it can’t be achieved by an individual, an army or a generalissimo; it can’t be achieved by a small party, however good the Marxist of that small party might be. These could not carry out a democratic transformation. There will be social situations that will raise questions to which people will want answers and if the party is capable of giving answers to those questions then it will draw larger numbers of people to it. It will be a process of patience, of slow accumulation, of rapid accumulation and so on, by intervening in all of the struggles of the working class, whether in the workplace, in local communities or wherever they arise.

Some people think that by arguing for a party that sets its goal as being transformative of society, of ending capitalism, that somehow that is all it’s interested in is just abstract propaganda for some pie in the sky that you are not confronting the issues now. Nothing could be further from the truth. If we want to build the sort of party we have to involve ourselves in all the struggles of our class. We participate, as individual socialists, in all struggles to win concessions if we can, to stop attacks that make our situation worse. But we should always try to explain the link between the attacks that we are facing now with the general struggle being waged against us by the capitalist class that is an integral aspect of the present system of organising society. We should explain that if we want to end the constant, repetitive attacks on our class, then the only way to do that is to end the system that drives those attacks, that is, we need to end capitalism. We, as Marxists, explain that the austerity agenda, for instance, did not just come out of nowhere; it does not come out of the blue and it is not simply a matter of an ideological attack by some right-wing politician who are merely mean-spirited. What makes them carry out these attacks is the nature of capitalism itself. Capitalism now is generally not producing the same rate of profit as it did in earlier periods. This drives the capitalist class to find ways of restoring the rate of profit. This means intensifying the rate of exploitation and opening up public services to the private profit-seeking sector. This determination to restore the rate of profit drives the attacks on the working class in an attempt to take back gains that have been won in the past. We might achieve a reprieve but if we do then that reprieve can only be temporary because the capitalist class will be forced by the demands of the profit system to keep coming back and attacking our class because they have to make our class pay for their crisis of profitability. Our class is the sole generator of the surplus that makes their profit. We are returning, in a sense, to a more ‘normal’ form of capitalism that existed before the Second World War; a capitalism ‘red in tooth and claw’.

The question that The Socialist Party pose to our class is why do we tolerate this? Why do we accept the perpetuation of a system in which we work but they benefit? When we say ‘we’ we’re talking about the overwhelming majority in the world. There 7 billion population of whom the overwhelming number are toilers, workers or those who have to work to survive. Very, very few are those who own the means of production, who own the profit made by others. Surely, if you think about it in terms of those numbers, it would be a simple matter of turning the world upside down in a flick of a switch but, of course, it’s not that simple. The working class has the power to change society but it does not know it. It does not know how to use that power, or for what purpose.

Socialism is not won at the ballot box but when we, the people, working together, take over the means of production, deciding what to produce and how, and getting us all able to participate in the production and distribution of all goods and services we need and like to the degree any of us is able. The objective of socialism is that we're all able to enjoy the fruits of our labours. We know that we would require at most only a four hour work week and could afford ourselves the opportunity to enjoy our ability to provide for all, as well as to live most fulsome lives. The inevitability of capitalism's collapse is not an automatic process. Capitalism has to be overthrown. Work for these changes wherever you are. We certainly do in the Socialist Party. 

Capitalist Despotism or Socialist Freedom

We are the political party of the working class. This is so, despite our meagre membership because the Socialist Party is the sole protagonist of the principles that the working class must adopt if it is ever to achieve its complete emancipation from wage slavery and, at the same time, save society from catastrophe. The Socialist Party is the only organisation demanding the abolition of capitalism and advocating the socialist reconstruction of society. It has been doing so for over 100 years. It is, in short, the organisation through which the workers can establish their right to reorganise society. In the battle between capital and labour, one must take sides. The utopias of old, for all their limitations, fundamentally challenged the existing society. Across the centuries, utopian writers sought a different world rather than simply some institutional changes. Long before Marx, they insisted that a utopia that accepted private property—and therefore the existence of classes—as a given wasn’t worthy of the name. To-day’s radicals advocate alternatives that down-play the scale of economic transformation in the name of “getting real”, abandoning any project for system-change and futilely seek to cope with actual existing capitalism and the capitalist state. They underestimate the social power of capital every time they advance “pragmatic” demands which fail to see that the whole point is to liberate ourselves. Their so-called alternatives can only take us backwards.

The present system of industry is directly the cause of the many evils which now prey upon society. Under capitalism, the proceeds of labour go to the profits of the wealthy few. Socialism is workers' democracy. A truly democratic society should also be cooperative and democratically managed so that citizens can be active in the running of their workplaces as well as planning the direction of economic development. The product of labour power and natural resources of a society should be used in an ecologically compatible and sustainable manner for the benefit of all, including future generations. The capitalist system, which has profit as its only consideration, promotes and relies on unsustainable growth in population, expansion and consumption and does not take the needs of people or the planet into account. Capitalism denies the masses a just share of production or satisfying work. Capitalism invites competition, individualism and disparity; fraternity cannot prevail. With socialism, production is planned to meet human needs. Either the working class takes control of affairs out of the hands of the capitalist class, ends the system of capitalist private ownership, and rebuilds our society on the basis  of social ownership of the means of production, democratic management and  production for use; Or, as surely as night follows day, the capitalist system will lead us to barbarism.

The present system cannot be patched up. The Socialist Party calls upon the people to organise the co-operative commonwealth. We aim for a socialist society of solidarity where people respect mutually each other and cooperate for the common welfare. They do not exploit each other, they do not take advantage of society in pursuit of egoist aspirations. The struggle for the right to live in freedom and dignity is conducted all over the world. Across the world hundreds of millions live in submission; hundreds of millions know hunger. Despair must be turned into hope. The economy must serve the entire society and the welfare of all the members of the society. Common interest must always prevail. Freedom, equality, solidarity and peace belong to all, everywhere in the world. Socialism is based in natural human needs, wants, and human development. Socialist society will be fundamentally different in that the ownership and control of resources rests in the hands of the community. Control will devolve to the local community or workplace as expediently as is practical. Through planning and co-operation, private ownership of wealth and materialist accumulation would cease to be an economic stimulus. Everyone would be a worker and society would be the employer. Exploitation, or the capitalist command over the labour of others and the appropriation of non-labour income, would end with socialisation.

We seek to realise the implementation of an idea first articulated by Louis Blanc - "from each according ability, to each according needs" - requires a classless society where everyone is an employee of the community, enjoying custody over the means of production, and in pursuit of providing for every public need. Capitalism can neither be reformed nor legislated out of existence. Capitalism degrades the dignity of all people. Our vision of a free society includes the opportunity of each individual to reach their full potential in harmony with one another. Capitalism cannot exist without the exploitation of workers. The Socialist Party is the champion of equality, liberty and fraternity. The socialist conception of equality envisions a society free from class and hierarchy, bonded by an overriding fraternal spirit, and comprised of individuals equal in worth and potential. Equality cannot be exact, but any differences in power, wealth, status or acquired abilities would be marginal and socially acceptable.

The Socialist Party was founded to pursue a radical objective; to transfer political power from the privileged to the people.  The pursuit of this radical cause has always meant that we face opposition from the entrenched forces of the status quo. But that does not mean we shirk from the challenge of pursuing the great cause of our movement. We are socialists. And we are proud of that fact. It’s what keeps us from being just another political party peddling a panacea of palliatives. Socialism is everything we have ever stood for and it continues to define our mission for social and economic change. It’s what makes us truly the party of labour.