Marx summed up radical green politics when in Capital III he
noted:
“From the standpoint of a higher socio-economic formation,
the private property of individuals in the earth will appear just as absurd as
the private property of one man in other men. Even an entire society, a nation,
or all simultaneously existing societies taken together, are not owners of the
earth, they are simply its possessors, its beneficiaries, and have to bequeath
it in an improved state to succeeding generations, as boni patres familias”
[good heads of the household]”
Marx took Feuerbach’s notion of fetishism to describe such
radical humanism. Feuerbach famously argued that human beings invent gods and
goddesses, forget they have invented them and bow down to worship their own
creations. Marx reminds us that human beings, through social action, create the
economic system; we then forget that the economy is a human construct and
worship it as if it were a god. Ecological sanity can only come when we
recognise that the present economic system of capitalism is a social construct
that must be overthrown. In Chapter One of Capital is the idea of use value as
opposed to exchange value. A capitalist economy is focused on exchange values -
we could increase use value by making goods that last longer, by extending the
library principle to all kinds of goods. Even in a market-based society, car
pools exist. Real prosperity means that we have access to useful things; it is
quite different from wasteful increases in Gross National Product (GNP). Under
capitalism resources that are free - from land to ideas - are essentially
stolen, fenced in and sold back to us. The enclosure and commodification of
labour is the most important form of enclosure. This increases exchange value
(GNP) but makes us poorer. Some of Marx’s earliest political writings examined
the imposition of laws that prevented peasants from gathering fallen wood in
German forests. The open source principle of free access and creativity is an
example of how enclosure can and should be fought. A society controlled by the
few must be replaced by one that works for all. We must overcome a society
based on blind accumulation.
The Green Party and many of its supporters do not recognise
that they require a struggle against the capitalist system. Signaling the challenge
to the old politics the Green Party has been modestly successful contesting elections.
It's true that the environment movement has brought a new vocabulary and
"discourse" into political life. The Greens vote is the result of
growing disillusion with Labour and a steady growth in concern about
environmental issues. The Greens presented themselves as a party to the left of
Labour (which is not too difficult). But ‘green socialism’ is all about taking
a stand against ‘green capitalism.’ In the process, many of the traditional
socialist themes – e.g., distribution, power and property, planning and
democracy – are updated and linked up with the new issues. Those involved in
the Green Party are clearly sincere in their opposition to various versions of capitalism
and their desire for a better world, but they seem to have no real conception of
what "socialism" might mean. The working class, exploitation, the
labour movement, do not figure at all. Neither does collective ownership. Their
"socialism" is more a catchphrase for good causes in general than a
vision of the democratic transformation of society, by workers, from below. While
the Green Party may hold some good socialist members, and present some reforms,
it is not a party of socialism and in the end will degenerate into a party that
offers bike-lanes and budget cuts. Socialists must challenge green politics
showing how ecological issues are of top relevance to the quality of life of
working people.
The “green economy” focuses on commodification and the
market. Yet the market takes too long to resolve problems, and the big
corporations behind fossil fuels want to get a foothold in “green energy” at
the same time as keeping their fixed capital. Their idea of a “green economy”
favours technological fixes based on private property, for example large-scale
projects such as huge offshore wind parks, and transcontinental super-grids for
long-distance energy exports from Sahara desert solar facilities. Yet it is
impossible to meet the challenge of reducing greenhouse gas emissions and
catapulting the entire economy from the 150-year old age of coal and oil into
the future of solar and wind without provoking crises. It is necessary to
transform the mode of production and living so it is predictable that when some
of the old branches of industry and their capital come under attack, it will in
turn trigger resistance. Conversion of polluting and resource-intensive capital
stock to environmentally benign alternatives? Impose green taxes? Just how
viable will they be to the likes of the Koch brothers? Dreams of a "steady
state" capitalism beloved of an ecological economist like Herman Daly and
environmentalists like Lester Brown and the authors of Sharing the World are
simply that — dreams. They accept that the market system is untouchable and
look for salvation in changing the behaviour of individual consumers and
adoption of energy-saving technology. However, since capitalism is addicted to
expansion, and devotes vast resources to this effort, there's no reason at all
to expect that gains in resource efficiency will go into reduced usage of
resources and not into increased throughput and growth rates. The principle
that "the polluter pays" will be a principle more honoured in the
breach than the observance. But modern corporations have corporate lawyers who
find loopholes and who appeal the penalties.
The alternative to socialism is literally destruction. As
socialists we are aware of how very far down the road to making the planet
uninhabitable for humans capitalism is, and how many humans have already
suffered and are already suffering from the damage the profit system has done
to our planet. We possibly have one more generation before it is too late.
There won’t be any socialists, there won’t be any socialism, when nobody can
breathe. Climate change is real and it’s as urgent as it gets that we make
radical changes if we want a future on this planet. The working class have to
continue to see ourselves as revolutionary because we are the part of humanity
most indispensable for our survival. The Socialist Party viewpoint simply means
that, until the working majority sets the rules of the political and economic
game, any gains in such battles are provisional and vulnerable to co-option and
reversal.
The environmental crisis tends to manifest itself either in
the form of local outrages (motorway proposals, polluted rivers) or vast global
problems (hole in the ozone layer, global warming, fishery depletion, global
deforestation), and it's not surprising that environmental activists
overwhelmingly get tugged in one of two directions and away from any
revolutionary perspective.
The first is towards case-by-case guerilla warfare against
specific environmental outrages, which the crisis will supply to the movement
as if on a conveyor belt running at ever greater speed. The second is toward
the organisations "that have the power to do something" — government
ministries, United Nations agencies or even and increasingly, the “greener”
corporations, themselves. What is at stake in this discussion is not whether governments
can't be induced to change their mind on this or that dam or their objection to
the very idea of a carbon tax, but whether any capitalist government,
representing the "common affairs of the bourgeoisie", can subordinate
the overall interests of capital to those of the environment for any length of
time. Once that impossibility is truly grasped then environmentalists have no
choice but seriously to measure their present ideas against the basic concepts
of socialist theory and politics. Membership of a Green party, sometimes
involving serious commitment to campaigns, but almost always involving
confusion about goals and vulnerable to drowning in parliamentary tomfoolery of
reformism. The slogan "Think globally, act locally" has the direct
implication that each and every local initiative in recycling, economising on
water and energy use and cutting waste can, summed together, make a critical
difference. Decades of thinking globally and acting locally, while yielding a
host of small victories, has not been able to reverse any major trend in
environmental degradation. That's because it offers no pathway from the local
to the global, no feasible strategy for making local action begin to count
globally. This is all the more true because the local is hardly ever purely
local, but linked to national and international webs of production, trade and
investment shaped by the national and international division of labour. The
"local" is forged by an increasingly global capitalism, which
protects its interests through national and international state and semi-state
bodies.
The concerned environmentalist has a choice between an
ecological version of socialism or capitalism. We can reform it or replace it
with something more democratic. The central issue is that of working class
political consciousness, of imparting the true picture of a capitalism whose
insatiable hunger for profit is not only devouring the working and living
conditions of hundreds of millions of working people but the underpinnings of
life itself. The future of our planet depends on building a livable
environment and a socialist movement powerful
enough to displace capitalism.
‘Nothing should be made by man’s labour which is not worth
making; or which must be made by labour degrading to the makers…Worthy work
carries with it the hope of pleasure in rest, the hope of the pleasure in our
using what it makes, and the hope of pleasure in our daily creative skill. All
other work but this is worthless; it is slaves’ work — mere toiling to live,
that we may live to toil.’ William Morris