The
Socialist Party is concerned with the future of the whole of
humanity. To save humanity, a different system is needed, one based
on cooperation where there will be production for use not profit, and
democratic self-management of all aspects of society. Only a few of
all fellow-workers are for this now and in fact there is an actual
growth
of authoritarian, nationalist, populism world-wide
and but they vote for right-wing political parties but it is for the
World Socialist Movement to fight for this goal. The only way out is
struggle and we, the working class, must organise. We must build
solidarity across borders to defeat the power of global capitalism.
We have to build a movement that has the power to create a better
world. We can make a socialist revolution to overthrow capitalism
worldwide. We must rebuild the imagination of the working class and
combat the capitalist narrative that has made it easier for us to
imagine the end of the world than the end of capitalism. Emancipation
from wage slavery, and the indignities it heaps upon working people,
will free the entire human race and put an end to classes and class
divisions.
If
the working class is ever to succeed in establishing a free and
democratic society in which all will enjoy peace, abundance and
security, it must first have a proper understanding of its class
status in capitalist society, a correct class perception of the
opposing forces it must contend with on the road to its goal, and a
precise knowledge of the meaning of the social, economic and
political terms of the age. It is correct to say that the capitalist
system will destroy itself. It does not follow from that with equal
logic that socialism will be the successor. One could go on at length
citing examples of liberals who pose as champions of the downtrodden
by attacking the evils of the system, yet who remain adamant that the
system is to be preserved - reformed if possible, but reformed or
not, retained. The differences among them are limited to questions of
how best to preserve the filthy and contradiction-ridden capitalist
system and protect the basic profit interests of the plutocracy at
home and abroad. In their shedding of crocodile tears over the
inequities of the present system, in their pious advocacy of relief
for the most deprived and oppressed victims of capitalism's ruthless
exploitation, in their selective and pretentious condemnation of the
intensified onslaught against constitutionally guaranteed rights and
liberties, and in their unctuous lip service to the nation's
traditional concepts of democracy, the reformists have often been
guilty of the highest degree of hypocrisy. Whether the reforms
proposed are direct aids to capitalists in exploiting the workers, or
in perpetuating the capitalist system, or in deceiving the workers
into believing that their fate can be improved under the capitalist
system, the fact remains that their reforms are generally contrary to
the interests of workers. They invariably are props for the use of
the plutocracy in consolidating its power and stranglehold on
society. It does not require any profound insight to realise that the
hope for a sane and decent society do not lie with the ruling class.
Nor do they rest with men and women "of good will", no
matter how sincere or commendable such sentiments may be. Our hope
lie with the working class. There is but one plank in the Socialist
Party's platform to -- the abolition of wage slavery and
unconditional surrender of the capitalist class.
Reforms
are a danger in that they operate as bait. The theory that socialism
can with safety depart from the hard and fast line of its ultimate
goal and follow the lure of "something now" batters itself
against the hard fact that "something now" is not
obtainable by it, and the logical consequence of such departure would
be the degeneration of the movement into a "something now,"
or reform, movement. If the aim of socialism were to be made the
getting of "something now" and socialism later, socialism
would have to be sacrificed to immediate progress. The only something
worth striving for now by Socialists, because it is the only thing
obtainable now, is the laying of as solid a foundation as possible on
which to move forward to the conquest of capitalism. Then, too, the
more attention that Socialists pay to the ultimate goal, the more
will the capitalist class endeavour to stem the tide and check its
progress by offering "something now" schemes galore; so
that, granting that "something now" is desirable, the way
to get it is not by bothering about it but by working steadily for
the goal. The Socialist Party clearly recognises the dangers that
lurk in the swamp of reform. It keeps uppermost in mind the need to
promote among the workers it reaches a clear class-conscious
understanding of the nature of capitalist society. Nor does it
hesitate to point to the inevitable limitations of any movement that
fails to address the capitalist cause. The Socialist Party seeks
to tie all the immediate struggles and problems of our class to the
essential task of creating an organisation capable of accomplishing a
fundamental social change to socialism.
The
Socialist Party's interpretation of socialism is very different from
the one put forth by Leninists, Stalinist and Trotskyists as well as
all those who describe themselves as social democrats or democratic
socialists in various countries. There is no advocacy of state
ownership. There is no belief that a government should rule under the
leadership of a supposed working class party. The goal, rather, is
direct democratic control of all of society by the people. The
Socialist Party seeks to abolish all political forms of power,
including the abolition of the socialist political party itself,
without delay. The Socialist Party's case for socialism differs from
most anarchists and syndicalists in its insistence that the working
class can only abolish the State by first capturing control of it.
The working class must control the offices and the machinery of
political government in order to dismantle it. Therefore, the working
class requires to organise on the political field. Without use of the
present constitutional method, it argues, the social transformation
would have to be violent. Marx had written that "socialism casts
off the political cloak", and Engels had written that, with
socialism, "the government of persons is replaced by the
administration of things." Such comments reflect the state-free
character of socialism.
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