People who come into contact with the Socialist Party are
often surprised that the revolution we urge is one that can be brought about by
parliamentary means. They are used to associating revolution with the violent
overthrow of governments, not with peaceful democratic elections. Throughout
the long history of the Socialist Party we have thought long and hard about the
state and its repressive forces and our understanding goes something like
this:…
…We want the useful majority in society to take over and run
the means of production in the interest of all. However, at the moment these
are in the hands of a minority of the population whose ownership and control of
them is backed up-and, when necessary, enforced-by the state and its repressive
forces. The state stands as an obstacle between the useful majority and the
means of production because it is at present controlled by the minority owning
class. They control the state, not by some conspiracy, but with the consent or
acquiescence of the majority of the population, a consent which expresses
itself in everyday attitudes towards rich people, leaders, nationalism, money,
etc. and, at election times, in voting for parties which support class
ownership. In fact it is such majority support expressed through elections that
gives their control of the state legitimacy. In other words, the minority rule
with the assent of the majority, which gives them political control. The first
step towards taking over the means of production, therefore, must be to take
over control of the state, and the easiest way to do this is via elections. But
elections are merely a technique, a method. The most important precondition to
taking political control out of the hands of the owning class is that the
useful majority are no longer prepared to be ruled and exploited by a minority;
they must withdraw their consent to capitalism and class rule-they must want
and understand a socialist society of common ownership and democratic control....
Alternative ways of dislodging the owning class have been
suggested, such as the head-on clashes with the forces of the state by a
determined minority that you advocate. This is foolish, not to say suicidal:
the state wins every time. The plain fact is that you can't "smash the
state" while it still enjoys majority support-and when those who control
it no longer enjoy majority support there is no need to try to
"smash" it: the majority can use the power of their numbers to take
control of it via the ballot box, so that it is no longer used to uphold class
ownership. To do so they will need to organise politically, into a political
party, a socialist party. This is what we advocate. We don't suffer from
delusions of grandeur so we don't necessary claim that we are that party. What
we are talking about is not a small educational and propagandist group, but a
mass party that has yet to emerge. It is such a party that will take political
control via the ballot box, but since it will in effect be the useful majority
organised democratically and politically for socialism it is the useful
majority, not the party as such as something separate from that majority, that
carries out the socialist transformation of society. They neutralise the state
and its repressive forces-there is no question of forming a government-and then
proceed to take over the means of production for which they will also have
organised themselves at their places of work. This done, the repressive state
is disbanded and its remaining administrative and service features, reorganised
on a democratic basis, are merged with the organisations which the useful
majority will have formed to take over and run production, to form the
democratic administrative structure of the stateless society of common
ownership that socialism will be.
This is the way we think it will happen. When the time comes
the socialist majority will use the ballot box since it will be the obvious
thing to do, and nobody will be able to prevent them to persuade them not to.
At that time it will be anti-electoralists who will be irrelevant.
At the moment it is the peaceful activity of undermining
people's support for capitalist ideas that is the most revolutionary and
subversive activity that opponents of capitalism can engage in because it is
precisely people's pro-capitalist ideas, not the repressive forces of the
state, that maintain capitalism in being. Yet you consistently dismiss such
revolutionary activity as mere propagandising. The socialist position on the
use of parliament is summed up by the following: Once there is an organised,
determined majority, the success of the socialist revolution is assured, one
way or the other. It is then a question of the best tactic to pursue to try to
ensure that this takes place as rapidly and as smoothly as possible. In our
view, the best way to proceed is to start by obtaining a democratic mandate via
the ballot box for the changeover to socialism. The tactical advantage is that,
when obtained, it deprives the supporters of capitalism of any legitimacy for
the continuation of their rule. Another related point to make is that the
organisation of the socialist majority that develops within capitalist society
will have to reflect the essentially
democratic nature of the future society it will establish. It will in fact have
to prefigure that society and so be entirely democratic, and without a leadership
which can impose decisions on the rest. All important decisions, in fact, will
come from the majority via referendums or meetings of mandated, wholly
accountable and recallable delegates.
We favour majority democratic action on the grounds that the
establishment of a society based on voluntary co-operation and popular
participation has to involve such co-operation and participation (i.e.
democratic methods) and say that when such a majority comes into being it can
use existing political institutions (the ballot box and parliament) to establish
a socialist society. Many anti-parliamentarians are opposed to this, but are
not able to offer a viable alternative (the anarcho-communists pose a
spontaneous mass popular upsurge, the anarcho-syndicalists a general strike and
mass factory occupations—both of which ignore the state and the need to at
least neutralise it before trying to change society from capitalism). If they
can abandon their prejudice against democratic political action via elections,
we invite them to join us in campaigning for a classless, stateless, moneyless
society.
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